Suchergebnisse

A long standing area of debate in Western countries is that of the appropriate philosophy for facilitating large scale immigration; should immigrants preserve their traditions and culture while living in the host country (integration/multiculturalism) or should they assimilate themselves into the ways and manners of their hosts? The ways that nations go about resolving this issue goes to the heart of internal policy formulation on immigration but is also influential to the image that the country projects overseas. Countries are often labeled according to the official views of their Governments. For example, France might be classed as essentially assimilationist and Britain as multi-cultural, whereas the Netherlands and Germany might be seen as somewhere between the two, but how did these policy differences come about and do they accurately reflect the views of the majority of residents of the various countries? This paper addresses part of this issue by seeking to identify and analyse the characteristics of those people in Western countries who think that immigrants should assimilate culturally and how they differ from those who think that immigrants should preserve a separate cultural existence? By doing so, it seeks to explain why these inter-country differences in views exist and whether they are caused primarily by attribute effects (the composition of the population) or by coefficient effects (the strength of the views they hold). This study exploits a unique set of data provided by The Human Beliefs and Values Survey to identify and to estimate the strength of those factors which lead people to favour cultural integration over multiculturalism for immigrants. In doing so, it provides Governments with a snapshot of contemporary views on this increasingly important issue and how these views may shift as demographic characteristics alter.

This article is about the development of politic mechanisms in sustainable energy in western countries (primarily EC, USA). The development of sustainable energy in western countries should be greatly based on government and business support and common ways of such help are described below. Also shown the significance of development of sustainable energy, its importance for environmental protection and perspectives.

With the development of technology and transportation, the communication between China and the west has increased in almost every field such as economy, culture, and politics. Obviously, marriage as the most important part of life is a hit issue of cross-cultural communication.This paper aims at exploring the differences between marriage concepts between Chinese and western cultures and giving some proposals on how to minimize the communication mistake in marriage and marriage purposes. It will be helpful in cross-cultural communication about marriage concepts.

Drawing on comparative analyses from nine Western countries, we ask whether local-born children from a wide range of immigrant groups show patterns of female advantage in education that are similar to those prevalent in their host Western societies. We consider five outcomes throughout the educational career: test scores or grades at age 15, continuation after compulsory schooling, choice of academic track in upper-secondary education, completion of upper secondary, and completion of tertiary education. Despite great variation in gender gaps in education in immigrants' origin countries (with advantages for males in many cases), we find that the female advantage in education observed among the majority population is usually present among second-generation immigrants. We interpret these findings in light of ideas about gender role socialization and immigrant selectivity.

This paper examines the dynamic effect of globalization at the disaggregated level of sectoral export diversification and manufacturing specialization on income inequality using a panel data set of 52 Asian and Western countries from 1988 to 2014. The paper uses dynamic panel data models applying the System Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) estimations that provide more accurate and better results than those obtained with static panel data models. The results suggest that there is no statistically significant relationship between manufacturing specialization and inequality while sectoral export diversification has been the driving force of inequality. For sub-groups of countries, higher sectoral export diversification increases inequality and higher manufacturing specialization decreases inequality in high-income Asian countries and European Union (EU) member states. Moreover, the study finds insignificant effects in low-income Asian countries and Anglo-Saxon countries.

There appear to be growing concerns among experts, NGOs, and members of the public about the welfare of companion dogs. With farm and laboratory animals, legislative initiatives have long been considered valuable tools in the management of welfare whereas the use of legislation to protect companion animal welfare has received less attention. We aim to rectify this by comparing legislation with an impact on the welfare of companion dogs in eleven Western jurisdictions. The comparison also provides a basis for further consideration of regulatory initiatives. We identify the rules applying in the jurisdictions and classify them in accordance with the following categories: breeding of dogs with risks to the health of the offspring, reproductive limitations, sales, surgical interventions, day‐to‐day handling, and killing. We demonstrate that, overall, there is significant variation across the jurisdictions. However, the degree of variation depends on the specific category. Whereas most countries, with the USA being a notable exception, regulate sales of dogs and ban surgical interventions, there is considerable variation in the regulation of day‐to‐day handling and the killing of dogs. Furthermore, different jurisdictions employ different regulatory tools to ensure the desired level of welfare for companion dogs. Overall, there appears to be real potential for dia-logue and mutual inspiration.

Background In the Caribbean, life expectancy in politically independent territories has increasingly diverged from that of territories that remained affiliated to their former colonizers. Because these affiliated territories differ in degree of political independence, they are not all governed in the same way. We assessed whether differences in life expectancy trends between Caribbean dependencies and their Western administrators were related to their degree of political independence, and which causes of death contributed to divergence or convergence in life expectancy. Methods Analysis of age-standardized death rates and decomposition of life expectancy differences between France, the Netherlands, UK, USA and their Caribbean dependencies by age and cause-of-death during the period 1980–2014. Results Life expectancy differences between Western countries and their dependencies have generally increased for men and narrowed for women, but trends have been much more favorable in the French- than in the Dutch-administered territories. The strongest contributions to widening gaps in life expectancy between Western countries and their dependencies were from mortality from cardiovascular diseases (ischemic heart disease) and external causes (homicide and traffic accidents). Conclusion Dependencies with a stronger political affiliation to a Western country experienced more favorable life expectancy developments than dependencies that had more autonomy during the 1980–2014 period. The underlying mortality differences with Western countries are largely comparable among Caribbean territories but differ in magnitude, most notably for cardiovascular disease and external causes. This suggests that increases in a territory's political autonomy impairs the diffusion of new knowledge and techniques, and/or reduces government's effectiveness in implementing policies.

Background: In the Caribbean, life expectancy in politically independent territories has increasingly diverged from that of territories that remained affiliated to their former colonizers. Because these affiliated territories differ in degree of political independence, they are not all governed in the same way. We assessed whether differences in life expectancy trends between Caribbean dependencies and their Western administrators were related to their degree of political independence, and which causes of death contributed to divergence or convergence in life expectancy. Methods: Analysis of age-standardized death rates and decomposition of life expectancy differences between France, the Netherlands, UK, USA and their Caribbean dependencies by age and cause-of-death during the period 1980-2014. Results: Life expectancy differences between Western countries and their dependencies have generally increased for men and narrowed for women, but trends have been much more favorable in the French- than in the Dutch-administered territories. The strongest contributions to widening gaps in life expectancy between Western countries and their dependencies were from mortality from cardiovascular diseases (ischemic heart disease) and external causes (homicide and traffic accidents). Conclusion: Dependencies with a stronger political affiliation to a Western country experienced more favorable life expectancy developments than dependencies that had more autonomy during the 1980-2014 period. The underlying mortality differences with Western countries are largely comparable among Caribbean territories but differ in magnitude, most notably for cardiovascular disease and external causes. This suggests that increases in a territory's political autonomy impairs the diffusion of new knowledge and techniques, and/or reduces government's effectiveness in implementing policies.

Since the heyday of cleavage voting in the 1960s and 1970s, the majority of studies presents evidence of a decline in cleavage voting – caused by either structural or behavioural dealignment. Structural dealignment denotes changes in group size responsible for a decrease in cleavage voting, whereas behavioural dealignment concerns weakening party–voter links over time. A third phenomenon posited in this article is the collective voting abstention of certain (social) groups, here referred to as 'political dealignment', which results in a new type of division of voting versus abstention. The purpose of this article is to examine the three underlying mechanisms for the decline in social class and religious cleavage voting across four Western countries (Great Britain, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the United States) over the last 40–60 years using longitudinal post‐election data. The results prove a strong presence of political dealignment and increasing turnout gaps regarding both the class and religious cleavage. Furthermore, whenever a decline in cleavage voting is present, it is mainly caused by changes in the social groups' behaviour and less by changing social structures in a country.

This paper discusses key findings arising from the scientific programme of COST Action IS1409, entitled Gender and Health Impacts of Policies Extended Working Life in Western Countries. The Action is an international network established to identify key issues related to extended working life from gender and health perspectives, to provide a comparative policy analysis across 32 countries and to identify data-bases and appropriate policy proposals. The issue of extending working life is a topical policy issue of pressing concern, given that populations are ageing, there is a concern about sustaining public pension costs and many people are living longer healthier lives. This paper interrogates the wisdom of adopting these typically undifferentiated policies from a gendered political economy of ageing perspective, drawing on findings from a cross-national review of policies in 16 countries (Phase 1 of the Action's policy review) focusing on workers in physically-demanding occupations and those with caring responsibilities.

Outer space perseveres as a domain of contestation. In fact, the era of the early 2000s was also remarked to be embroiled in a 'second space race'. In this regard, in November 2019, NATO also declared outer space as its operational domain. In contrast, BRICS formally committed in 2021 to the prevention of an arms race in outer space. Russia and China agreed to cooperate on a permanent manned lunar base and are investing heavily in their space programs. This is ringing bells in Western-led established order. Once the International Space Station (ISS) is decommissioned in 2022, China's space station, if constructed in 2025, will be the only functioning global space station for which Beijing is already seeking cooperation from partners. Interestingly, NASA's legislation prevents it from collaborating with the Chinese National Space Agency. This article endeavours to understand the scenario with a two-fold focus: will the emerging countries like BRICS follow the footsteps of the West in militarizing outer space? how countries other than China use this opportunity to attain a desirable position in the international order. The study provides an insight into how non-Western countries have secured a place in attaining a considerable position in outer space.

Women's rising labor force participation since the 1960's was long seen as heralding decreasing gender inequalities. According to influential social science writings this view has now to be revised; 'women friendly' policies bringing women into the workforce are held to create major inequality tradeoffs between quantity and quality in women's jobs. Unintendedly, such policies increase employer statistical discrimination and create glass ceilings impeding women's access to influential positions and high wages. This paper re-examines theoretical and empirical bases in analysis of family policy effects on gender inequalities. Including capabilities as well as earnings in definitions of gender inequality, we improve possibilities for causal analyses by mapping institutional constellations of separate dimensions of family policies in Western countries. Reflecting conflicting political forces as well as religion, contrary to accepted assumptions of uni-dimensionality, family policies are multi-dimensional, with main distinctions favoring traditional families, mother's employment, or market reliance. Using multilevel analyses and broad sets of outcome variables, we show that methodological mistakes largely invalidate earlier causal interpretations of major tradeoffs between quantity and quality in women's labor force participation. Positive policy effects facilitate work-family reconciliation and combine women's increased labor force participation with relatively high fertility. While major negative policy effects for women with tertiary education are difficult to find, family policies clearly differ in the extent to which they improve opportunities for women without university degrees.

International audience ; This exploratory study aims at identifying macro-social factors associated with the international variance of belief in conspiracy theories. We computed a Conspiracy Index for 22 Western and non-Western countries based on the results of an online survey on conspiratorial beliefs. Stepwise regression analyses show that more than 70% of the international variance of this Conspiracy Index is explained by the following three national variables: the level of democracy, the unemployment rate, and the perceived level of public sector corruption. Conspiracy theories thus appear to be more commonly endorsed in countries where people cannot take an active part in the political life of their country (low level of democracy), where they may feel socially threatened (high unemployment rate), and where institutions and authorities are perceived as untrustworthy (high perception of public sector corruption). ; Cette étude exploratoire entend identifier les facteurs macro-sociaux associés à la variance internationale du niveau de croyance dans les théories du complot. Nous avons construit un indice de complotisme pour 22 pays occidentaux et non-occidentaux à partir des résultats d'un sondage en ligne sur les croyances conspirationnistes. Une analyse de régression pas à pas montre que plus de 70 % de la variance internationale de cet indice peut être expliquée par les trois variables nationales suivantes : le niveau de démocratie, le taux de chômage et le niveau perçu de corruption du secteur public. Les théories du complot semblent ainsi être plus communément admises dans les pays où la population n'est pas en mesure de prendre activement part à la vie politique (faible niveau de démocratie), où elle se sent socialement menacée (taux de chômage élevé) et dans lesquels les institutions et les autorités sont perçues comme n'étant pas dignes de confiance (secteur public perçu comme corrompu).

International audience ; This exploratory study aims at identifying macro-social factors associated with the international variance of belief in conspiracy theories. We computed a Conspiracy Index for 22 Western and non-Western countries based on the results of an online survey on conspiratorial beliefs. Stepwise regression analyses show that more than 70% of the international variance of this Conspiracy Index is explained by the following three national variables: the level of democracy, the unemployment rate, and the perceived level of public sector corruption. Conspiracy theories thus appear to be more commonly endorsed in countries where people cannot take an active part in the political life of their country (low level of democracy), where they may feel socially threatened (high unemployment rate), and where institutions and authorities are perceived as untrustworthy (high perception of public sector corruption). ; Cette étude exploratoire entend identifier les facteurs macro-sociaux associés à la variance internationale du niveau de croyance dans les théories du complot. Nous avons construit un indice de complotisme pour 22 pays occidentaux et non-occidentaux à partir des résultats d'un sondage en ligne sur les croyances conspirationnistes. Une analyse de régression pas à pas montre que plus de 70 % de la variance internationale de cet indice peut être expliquée par les trois variables nationales suivantes : le niveau de démocratie, le taux de chômage et le niveau perçu de corruption du secteur public. Les théories du complot semblent ainsi être plus communément admises dans les pays où la population n'est pas en mesure de prendre activement part à la vie politique (faible niveau de démocratie), où elle se sent socialement menacée (taux de chômage élevé) et dans lesquels les institutions et les autorités sont perçues comme n'étant pas dignes de confiance (secteur public perçu comme corrompu).

International audience ; This exploratory study aims at identifying macro-social factors associated with the international variance of belief in conspiracy theories. We computed a Conspiracy Index for 22 Western and non-Western countries based on the results of an online survey on conspiratorial beliefs. Stepwise regression analyses show that more than 70% of the international variance of this Conspiracy Index is explained by the following three national variables: the level of democracy, the unemployment rate, and the perceived level of public sector corruption. Conspiracy theories thus appear to be more commonly endorsed in countries where people cannot take an active part in the political life of their country (low level of democracy), where they may feel socially threatened (high unemployment rate), and where institutions and authorities are perceived as untrustworthy (high perception of public sector corruption). ; Cette étude exploratoire entend identifier les facteurs macro-sociaux associés à la variance internationale du niveau de croyance dans les théories du complot. Nous avons construit un indice de complotisme pour 22 pays occidentaux et non-occidentaux à partir des résultats d'un sondage en ligne sur les croyances conspirationnistes. Une analyse de régression pas à pas montre que plus de 70 % de la variance internationale de cet indice peut être expliquée par les trois variables nationales suivantes : le niveau de démocratie, le taux de chômage et le niveau perçu de corruption du secteur public. Les théories du complot semblent ainsi être plus communément admises dans les pays où la population n'est pas en mesure de prendre activement part à la vie politique (faible niveau de démocratie), où elle se sent socialement menacée (taux de chômage élevé) et dans lesquels les institutions et les autorités sont perçues comme n'étant pas dignes de confiance (secteur public perçu comme corrompu).