Suchergebnisse

Since humanity is facing a Global Warming where some of its effects will be both the rise of ocean levels and the increase aggressiveness of storm surges, many States located in low-lying islands are at risk of losing part of its surface and even disappear. Indeed, many of these small countries are not only characterized by its low altitude, but also by its low GDP per capita, a condition that makes them even more vulnerable to sea rise and violence triggered by climate change that approach. In such a scenario certainly likely at the end of this century, Chile can now take a global prominence thanks to its oceanic conditions and its integration into the international community, both qualities that this country often declares. Indeed, Chile can propose an annexation to the governments of the Pacific Small Island Developing States (SIDS); making that population and territories are Chileans and avoid future and pejorative immigration status or environmental refugees. These news Chileans could settle in regions as Aysén, promoting their development; while on the other side in what remains of the abandoned islands, Chile can materialize science centers, facilities for the exploitation of natural resources and military bases; thus achieving an effective screening throughout the Pacific. To develop this ambitious project, it must overcome several obstacles, including producing evasive and disruptive technology for the dangerous islands.

Over the last few years, the unconventional energy revolution has profoundly changed, if not the essence of global energy geopolitics, at least its narrative. This article analyses the impact of such a geo-economic shift for Southern European countries. Despite this development, North Africa will remain the main energy supplier for EU Mediterranean countries. As a consequence, the main shared strategic challenge regarding energy security will be the geopolitical deepening of a wider North Africa. To manage European energy interdependency with the Mediterranean Southern shore in such a changing context a new, credible and more appealing energy narrative for their southern energy partners should be developed. This article proposes some of the elements that could be included to successfully increase energy cooperation in the Western Mediterranean. Keywords: Euromediterranean energy relations, energy security, unconventional energy revolution, global energy geopolitics, North Africa, European Union. ; La gestión de la interdependencia energética en el Mediterráneo Occidental Resumen. Durante los últimos años, la revolución energética no convencional ha cambiado profundamente, si no la esencia de la geopolítica global de la energía, al menos su narrativa. Este artículo analiza el impacto de este cambio geoeconómico para los países del sur de Europa. A su pesar el Norte de África continuará siendo la principal fuente de suministro energético para los países mediterráneos de la Unión Europea. En consecuencia, el mayor desafío estratégico común para su seguridad energética consiste en un Norte de África más amplio y profundo. Para gestionar la interdependencia energética europea con la orilla sur del Mediterráneo en un contexto cambiante como el actual, debe elaborarse un nuevo discurso energético creíble y más atractivo para los socios meridionales. En este artículo se proponen algunos elementos que podrían ser incluidos en una nueva narrativa para mejorar la cooperación energética en el Mediterráneo Occidental. Palabras clave: relaciones energéticas euromediterráneas, seguridad energética, revolución energética no convencional, geopolítica energética global, Norte de África, Unión Europea. ; La gestion de l'interdépendance énérgetique dans la Méditerranée Occidentale Au cours des dernières années, si la révolution de l'énergie non conventionnelle n'a pas profondément changé l'essence de la géopolitique mondiale de l'énergie, elle a transformé au moins sa narrative. Cet article analyse l'impact de ce changement géo-économique pour les pays de l'Europe du Sud. L'Afrique du Nord continuent d'être la principale source d'approvisionnement en énergie pour les pays méditerranéens de l'Union Européenne. Par conséquent, le plus grand défi stratégique commun pour sa sécurité énergétique est une Afrique du Nord plus large et approfondie d'une perspective géopolitique. Pour gérer l'interdépendance énergétique européenne avec la rive sud de la Méditerranée dans un contexte si changeant, un discours énergétique plus crédible et plus attirant pour les partenaires du Sud doit être développée. Cet article propose quelques éléments qui pourraient être inclus dans un nouveau récit sur la coopération énergétique en Méditerranée occidentale. Mots clés : relations énergétiques euro-méditerranéennes, sécurité énergétique, révolution non conventionnelle, géopolitique de l'énergie, Afrique du Nord, Union Européenne.

[ES] Note of the entrance of the European Union Awards for Cultural Heritage Europe awarded to actions carried out in Spain. Pérez De Armiñán, A. (2005). The Europa Nostra/European Union of Cultural Heritage Awards and their meaning. Loggia, Architecture, Restauration. (17): 14-15. doi:10.4995/loggia.2005.3490 ; 14 15 17 ; [ES] Note of the entrance of the European Union Awards for Cultural Heritage Europe awarded to actions carried out in Spain. Pérez De Armiñán, A. (2005). The Europa Nostra/European Union of Cultural Heritage Awards and their meaning. Loggia, Architecture, Restauration. (17): 14-15. doi:10.4995/loggia.2005.3490 ; SWORD ; [ES] Note of the entrance of the European Union Awards for Cultural Heritage Europe awarded to actions carried out in Spain. Pérez De Armiñán, A. (2005). The Europa Nostra/European Union of Cultural Heritage Awards and their meaning. Loggia, Architecture, Restauration. (17): 14-15. doi:10.4995/loggia.2005.3490 ; [ES] Nota de la entraga de los Premios Unión Europea de Patrimonio Cultural Europa concedidos a actuaciones realizadas en España. Pérez De Armiñán, A. (2005). Los premios Europa Nostra / Unión Europea de Patrimonio Cultural y su significado. Loggia, Arquitectura & Restauración. (17):14-15. doi:10.4995/loggia.2005.3490

5 7 8 20 ; SWORD ; García Millán, J. (2016). Imaginar, integrar, refundar. EN BLANCO. Revista de Arquitectura. 8(20):5-7. doi:10.4995/eb.2016.5252. ; [EN] Victor López Cotelo has received the Spanish Architecture Award 2015 for the conversion of the former Military Hospital in Granada into a School of Architecture. ; [ES] IMAGINAR, INTEGRAR, REFUNDAR Víctor López Cotelo ha recibido el Premio de Arquitectura Española 2015 por la reconversión del antiguo Hospital Militar de Granada en Escuela de Arquitectura.

As a member of the South Conceptualismos Network (RCSur) and without attempting to attribute to my voice a representative character of the group, in this presentation I analyse the alliance between this collective platform of knowledge and position on the artistic and political practices of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s in Latin America and the current cultural policies of the National Museum of the Centro de Arte Reina Sofia (MNCARS) as a unique case of institutional experimentation and networking that aims at re-shaping the relations between the Southern Museum and Public Dialogue in Latin America and the current cultural policies of the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia (Museo Nacional de Arte Reina Sofia) as a unique case of institutional experimentation and networking aimed at re-shaping the relations between the Southern Museum and Public Dialogue in Latin America and the current cultural policies of the National Museum of Reina Reina Sofia (MNCARS). From a post-colonial perspective, the scope and faults of the project are analysed, including these reflections in the aesthetic and political tensions in the current economic and social crisis. This diagnosis makes it possible to reflect more generally on the problems of aesthetic museum policies around Latin American dematerialised practices, the relationship between the production of online knowledge and cultural institutions, and certain inputs inherent in the way in which the present attempt is made to remember Latin American 'critical' experiences of past decades. ; Peer reviewed ; As a member of the South Conceptualismos Network (RCSur) and without attempting to attribute to my voice a representative character of the group, in this presentation I analyse the alliance between this collective platform of knowledge and position on the artistic and political practices of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s in Latin America and the current cultural policies of the National Museum of the Centro de Arte Reina Sofia (MNCARS) as a unique case of institutional ...

The 15M movement was extended since its birth to the squares in Madrid and other cities in Spain through popular assemblies. These are the method and form of the policy exercise that 15M deploys in urban public space. Organised using a precise methodology, air assemblies constitute a rhythmic street occupancy exercise which puts not only speech but also the bodies of its participants at the forefront of their practice. In her street, the assemblies carry out the most genuine political gesture: the aeration of things that concern us. In this article we wonder about the political atmosphere brought to the city by the assemblies and we highlight two unique aspects: an outpatient architecture characterised by constant transit and concern for care practices. Our argument is that air assemblies implement a policy that is in abeyance and is characterised by its fragility and by making the same conditions visible. ; Peer reviewed ; The 15M movement was extended since its birth to the squares in Madrid and other cities in Spain through popular assemblies. These are the method and form of the policy exercise that 15M deploys in urban public space. Organised using a precise methodology, air assemblies constitute a rhythmic street occupancy exercise which puts not only speech but also the bodies of its participants at the forefront of their practice. In her street, the assemblies carry out the most genuine political gesture: the aeration of things that concern us. In this article we wonder about the political atmosphere brought to the city by the assemblies and we highlight two unique aspects: an outpatient architecture characterised by constant transit and concern for care practices. Our argument is that air assemblies implement a policy that is in abeyance and is characterised by its fragility and by making the same conditions visible. ; El movimiento 15M se extendió desde su nacimiento por las plazas de Madrid y otras ciudades de España a través de asambleas populares. Estas constituyen el método y la forma del ejercicio ...

Levels of electoral volatility after the 2008 Great Recession were record in most Western European countries. The main causes of this electoral instability were the negative development of the economy, the crisis of the traditional political parties and the changes in the issues of political competition. At the individual level, it is not clear what factors lead voters to change partisan preferences after the Great Recession. In addition, in general terms, little is known about the differences between a stable voter and a volatile one. This study, for 12 Western European countries after the economic crisis, concludes that the economic voter model did not always explain the change of party preference after 2008, while sentiments of political dissatisfaction would help us to understand the change of parties between elections. ; Los niveles de volatilidad electoral tras la Gran Recesión de 2008 fueron récord en la mayoría de los países de Europa occidental. Entre las principales causas de esta inestabilidad electoral destacan el desarrollo negativo de la economía, la crisis de los partidos tradicionales y el cambio de los temas de competición política. A nivel individual, se desconoce qué factores propiciaron que los electores cambiasen de preferencia partidista después de la Gran Recesión. Además, en general, se sabe poco sobre las diferencias entre un elector estable y uno volátil. Este estudio de 12 países de Europa occidental tras la crisis económica concluye que el modelo del votante económico no siempre explicó el cambio de preferencia partidista después de 2008, mientras que los sentimientos de desafección política se encuentran entre las principales razones para entender el cambio de partidos entre elecciones.

Considering as young countries those parts of the world which were occupied and to some extent populated as a result of "Europe's expansion", which began with the discovery of America and extended to Australia, New Zeeland and some parts of Africa, the author tries to make a distinction between two completely different types of colonies in accordance with the way these areas were colonized. In the "exploitation" type of colony, a small number of european immigrants were conquerors, governors, missionaries, landowners, lawyers, merchants, military or civil servants and belonged to a superiors class, whereas the natives were doing most of the actual work. In the "colonization" type, the native population, which was very scarce, has been dislodged and some cases exterminated and the work was done by the immigrants or imported slaves. Argentina, Uruguay, the South of Brazil and Chile belong to the "colonization" type as also most of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zeeland, whereas most of the Latin- American republics were colonies of the "exploitation type". To-day these countries, especially those of English origin, enjoy a high income level, because the access to education and technical knowledge enabled the population to get the benefit of a high productivity. As to the countries of Spanish origin, before the second world war, Argentina and Uruguay had a per capita income very close to that of the English origin countries, but comparing with the year 1950, although Argentina is in a higher position than other Latin-American countries, her income level is lower than that of ten countries of Western Europe. One can say that the material living standard is generally higher in Argentina than in other Latin-American countries of the "exploitation" type, but lower than in the "colonization" type of British origin countries. ; Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas

RESUMEN The interaction between teaching, research and extension is the main duty of the university. One way of testing the knowledge acquired in the classroom is through pre-professional practice, which in the case of economics is linked to data retrieval. The research project carried out by the Faculty of Economics (FCE) and the Faculty of Architecture, Design and Art (FADA) of the National University of Asunción entitled: Creative and sustainable cities: a new model of economic, social and cultural development. Case of study: The Historical Centre of Asunción (CHA) used new data collection techniques, breaking paradigms with new information storage platforms and geographical information system, materialised with tools such as the smartphones and interactive maps of the centre of Asunción. The methodology used at this stage was the field methodology, with surveys of 318 cultural and creative enterprises previously identified from the Economic Census database of the Directorate-General for Statistics, Surveys and Census (DGEEC). The results obtained show that the students involved in the project have a sound record of working and statistical concepts. In conclusion, it can be mentioned that work between teachers, school graduates and students generates a feedback that benefits the community, given the constant improvement in labour supply. ; RESUMEN La interacción entre la docencia, la investigación y la extensión es el principal deber de la universidad. Una manera de testear los conocimientos adquiridos en aula es a través de la práctica pre profesional, que en el caso de las Ciencias Económicas se vincula al levantamiento de datos. El proyecto de investigación llevado a cabo por la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas (FCE) y la Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Arte (FADA) de la Universidad Nacional de Asunción denominada: Ciudades Creativas y sustentables: un nuevo modelo de desarrollo económico, social y cultural. Caso de estudio: Centro Histórico de Asunción (CHA) utilizó nuevas técnicas de recolección de ...

The war against global terrorism is a complex issue that seems to have no end at present. This article analyzes of some jihadists' dialogues and some presidents' of Western countries to show their connection to the just war tradition. The intention is to determine whether the jihadists who attack and threaten the West and the Western governments that combat them and have been their victims view their cause as a just one. Especially given that these enemies see the other as the initial attacker. Ultimately, these parties' absolute conceptions could explain why a potential end to the conflict is undetermined. ; La guerra contra el terrorismo global es un desafío complejo que no parece tener salida actualmente. Este artículo busca demostrar que tanto los yihadistas que atacan y amenazan Occidente, como los Gobiernos occidentales que los combaten y que han sido sus víctimas, tienen una visión de su causa como una causa justa, en contra de enemigos que, según la perspectiva de cada uno, los han atacado primero. Para esto, se hace un análisis de los discursos de algunos yihadistas, y luego de algunos presidentes de países occidentales, para mostrar cómo ambos se vinculan con la tradición de guerra justa. En últimas, esas concepciones absolutas que cada una de las partes tiene podría explicar por qué no se vislumbra aún un posible final para el conflicto.

This article explores the figure of the La Plata artist Edgardo Antonio Vigo, to make visible and analyze his political positions regarding communication and art through the practice or Mail Art, and its links with Mexican artists. ; Este artículo indaga sobre la figura del artista platense Edgardo Antonio Vigo con el fin de visibilizar y analizar sus posicionamientos políticos en torno a la comunicación y el arte mediante la práctica de arte correo y sus vinculaciones con artecorreístas mexicanos. Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

157 184 7 2 ; OJS ; Coderch de Sentmenat, José Antonio. "No son genios lo que necesitamos ahora." Domus, no. 384 (November 1961): 1. ; "A Cadaqués." Domus, no. 384 (November 1961). Terradas, E. "Cadaqués: laboratorio del realismo doméstico en Cataluña." PhD. diss., ETSA de Barcelona, 1993. ; [EN] Peter G. Harnden and Lanfranco Bombelli, the architects responsible for the U.S. government's post-World War II propaganda campaigns on European soil, settled in Cadaqués in the late 1950s. This peculiar partnership of itinerant stateless people shaped some of the most remarkable examples of Cadaqués' architecture of the last century. Works that were able to be respectful with the "old" architecture of Cadaqués without renouncing to an uninhibited modernity. The text presented here seeks to delve into the construction that acted as the seed for the rest of his work: the house that both built for themselves upon their arrival in the Spanish small town. A project that would later be the model for several houses that both architects carried out for the growing colony of foreigners that arrived in this magical corner of the peninsular periphery. The analysis is relevant given that none has been carried out in depth before. In addition, it is a unique example of balanced architecture, one of great solidity in its fundamental principles. Finally, the study will remark the vernacular characterization of the presented architecture: a construction halfway between José A. Coderch's discourse of "It's not geniuses what we need these days" and Kenneth Frampton's "critical regionalism." "A Barcellona." Domus, no. 422 (January 1965). Barnes, H. "At Home in Cadaqués." The American Abroad (February 1962). Dobke, D. Roth time: a Dieter Roth retrospective. New York , Baden: Museum of Modern Art, Lars Müller Publishers, 2003. Frampton, Kenneth. "Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance." In The Anti-Aesthetic. Essays on Postmodern Culture, edited by Hal Foster. Seattle: Bay Press, 1983. Frampton, ...

Summary This article seeks to interpret the modernisation movement in Latin America, the poetry of Rubén Darío and other writers of the time with the categories expressed by Ángel Rama in his trial The legal city. Branch rarely refers to this group of writers who follow an art aesthetic by art that clearly separates itself from political and social issues. However, a reinterpretation of Rama's thesis makes it feasible to integrate its texts into the advocate city of the Uruguayan critic. ; Resumen Este artículo trata de interpretar el movimiento modernista en América Latina, la poesía de Rubén Darío y otros escritores de la época con las categorías expresadas por Ángel Rama en su ensayo La ciudad letrada. Rama se refiere raras veces a este grupo de escritores que siguen una estética del arte por el arte que se separa tajantemente de cuestiones políticas y sociales. Sin embargo, una reinterpretación de las tesis de Rama vuelve factible la integración de sus textos en la ciudad letrada del crítico uruguayo.

Based on a long-term fieldwork in Tangier and the Spanish-Moroccan border, this paper deals with the outsourcing of the Moroccan border, with an emphasis on the experience of the children and youngsters crossing borders in their respective migratory itineraries. After the 2004 The Hague Programme, the delocalization of border control started to be present in European migratory policies though the progressive integration of third countries in control tasks. To analyze the impacts of these policies, the papers brings the reader to Bujalef, a waiting, suburb in the periphery of Tangier " understood as the "second-to-last border, where a violent eviction of Sub-Saharan immigrants took place in July of 2015. In this context, the author exposes the three main control policies at work: everyday violence expressed in the lack of judicial security and in repression; random mobility a logical response to outsourcing border control model; and compassion intrinsic to the structure of humanitarian action. This paper reinforces the idea that respect for Human Rights does not fit well with border delocalization. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Abstract. This article addresses the most important security challenges existing in the Western Sahel countries, an emerging sub-region encompassing Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger. The sub-region is very much affected by developments in neighboring countries such as Algeria, Libya, and Nigeria, among others. A number of recent processes – the Arab revolts and their effects in Libya and Egypt, the reinforcement of Boko Haram as a regional terrorist threat, etc – have contributed to aggravate insecurity in a region that suffers environmental problems, political instability, inter-communitarian tensions and illegal traffi cking since a number of decades ago. All these risks and threats are inviting states and international organizations to become more and more involved in order to provide responses and, eventually, solutions. Keywords: Al Qaida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM); Ansar Eddine; Boko Haram; CEMOC (Coordination of Major Staffs from Algeria, Niger, Mali, and Mauritania); G-5 Sahel Organization; illegal traffi cking; MINUSMA (United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Mali); MUJAO (Movement for Unity and Jihad in Western Africa). ; Riesgos y amenazas en el Sahel Occidental. Radicalización y terrorismo en la sub-región Resumen. Este artículo se ocupa de los desafíos de seguridad más importantes que podemos inventariar en los países del Sahel Occidental, una subregión emergente que incluye a Burkina Faso, Chad, Malí, Mauritania y Níger. La subregión se ve muy afectada por los procesos que se viven en países vecinos como Argelia, Libia y Nigeria, entre otros. Algunos procesos recientes –las revueltas árabes y sus efectos en Libia y Egipto, el reforzamiento de Boko Haram como amenaza terrorista regional, etc– han contribuido a incrementar la inseguridad en una región que ya sufre desde hace décadas problemas medioambientales, inestabilidad política, tensiones intercomunitarias y tráficos ilícitos. Todos estos riesgos y amenazas invitan a los Estados y a las Organizaciones Internacionales a involucrarse cada vez más en el esfuerzo para encontrar respuestas y eventualmente soluciones a los mismos. Palabras clave: Al Qaida en las Tierras del Magreb Islámico (AQMI); Ansar Eddine; Boko Haram; CEMOC o Coordinación de Estados Mayores de Argelia, Níger, Malí y Mauritania); Misión de las Naciones Unidas para la Estabilización de Malí (MINUSMA); Movimiento para la Unicidad del Islam y el Yihad en África Occidental (MUYAO); Organización G-5 del Sahel; tráficos ilícitos. ; Risques et ménaces dans le Sahel occidental. Radicalisation et terrorisme dans la sub-région Résumé. Cet article s'ocupe des défis de sécurité les plus importantes qu'on trouve dans la sub-région du du Sahel Occidentale (le Burkina Faso, le Tchad, le Mali, la Mauritanie et le Nïger). Cette sub-région deviens très touchée par les processus vécus en Algérie, en Libye et au Nigéria, parmis des autres pays voisins. Quelques evénements tels que les revoltes arabes dans la Libye ou en Egypte et aussi le renforcement de Boko Haram en tant que groupe terroriste de dimension régionale ont contribué à aggraver l'insécurité dans la région. En plus, les pays du Sahel Occidentale sont affectés depuis des decenies par des problèmes tels que les crises environmentales, l'instabilité politique, les tensions inter-communitaires et les traffics illicites. Tels risques et telles ménaces invitent les états et les organisations internationales à designer des réponses et, eventuellement, des solutions a ceux problèmes. Mots clés : Al Qaida dans le Maghreb Islamique (AQMI); Ansar Eddine; Boko Haram; CEMOC (Coordination des états-majors de l' Algérie, le Mali, la Mauritanie et le Niger); Mission des Nations unis pour la Stabilisation du Mali (MINUSMA); Mouvement pour l'Unicité et pour le Jihad dans l'Afrique Occidentale (MUJAO); Organisation du G-5 Sahel; traffics illicites.