Suchergebnisse

The relations between the Russian Federation and Belarus in the 21st century are characterized by dynamics and volatility. The integration processes of both countries, initiated in the 1990s, are an element of the strategy of domination in the post-Soviet area, which is consistently implemented by Russia. The authors conclude that this strategy in the case of Belarus is a kind of mixture of soft power and hard power, and the choice of instruments depends on the stability of the authoritarian regime, which is embodied by Alyaksandr Lukashenka. The rigged presidential elections triggered a wave of protests, leading to the gradual loss of social legitimacy by the Belarusian president. Russia has a dilemma: whether to continue to support Lukashenka, who is losing support, or to look for a "new personal alternative", a politician that would guarantee the implementation of a "pro-Russian vector" in Belarus's domestic and foreign policy. Regardless of how the situation develops, Russia's strategic goal remains to keep Belarus in its sphere of influence using the already existing mechanisms of cooperation between the two countries.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł analizuje syntetycznie genezę, główne założenia i zasadnicze treści dyskusji toczonej w Niemczech wokół znaczenia, nowej "Białej Księgi 2016. Polityka bezpieczeństwa Niemiec i przyszłości Bundeswehry" oraz relacje i oceny wyprzedzające mediów ogólnoniemieckich na temat zawartości merytorycznej, znaczenia dokumentu dla praktyki politycznej w Niemczech; oceny krytyczne ze strony sił prawicowych, Partii Lewicowej, ruchu pokojowego, a także rozbudowanych w Niemczech badań nad pokojem; ważniejsze kontrowersje wokół "Białej Księgi 2016" jako strategii wyrażającej aspiracje rządu chadecko- -socjaldemokratycznego kanclerz Angeli Merkel do uzyskania większego wpływu na kształtowanie polityki bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Główne kontrowersje wokół "Białej Księgi 2016" były wśród ekspertów i w mediach, i dotyczyły samej strategii oraz jej przygotowania. ; The paper presents a synthetic analysis of the origin, the main premises and the content of the discussion concerning the meaning of The White Paper 2016; the critical assessments of the White Paper 2016 by right-wing groups, Die Linke Party, the pacifist movement, as well as institutions studying peace, which are well-developed in Germany; the more important controversies concerning the White Paper 2016 as a strategy expressing the Christian Democrat-Social Democrat government's aspirations to gain a more substantial impact on the formulation of international security policy. The main controversies concerning the White Paper 2016 arose both among experts and the media over some elements of the strategy itself and its preparation.

The interest in mutual relations in Latvia and Poland was visible already since the beginning of 1919, however, it was only in the summer of 1919 that the Latvian-Polish relations started to develop more dynamically. They were important for both sides. Since the situation in the region was highly complicated, the Latvian-Polish relations exhibited also general policy tendencies, determined by the policy of the Soviet Russia, anti-Bolshevik or White Russia, Germany, Poland, Lithuania (including the relations of both of these states), Latvia, Estonia, Finland and other countries.The aim of the present paper is to display the state of Latvian-Polish relations from autumn 1919, which was the time of fighting against the white army of Bermondt on the territory of Latvia and Lithuania. Due to common threat, the relations between Latvia and Poland became visibly closer, and they were developing after summer 1919. The relations were determined mainly by the common interests and enemies (Soviet Russia, Germany) in the region. This process got accelerated and gained greater significance as a result of the activities of German armies, also in Latvia and Lithuania. When the German-Russin army commanded by Pavel Bermondt attacked the capital of Latvia in October 1919, Latvians made enormous efforts to stop this offensive. In autumn 1919 during fighting against Bermondt's army Latvian and Polish relations got closer than before. In case of Latvia, this was due to Latvians' hope to receive help from Poland in the fighting against Bermondt. At that time, Latvia's relations with Lithuania were not good due to territorial dispute and differences in foreign policy. In case of Poland, on the other hand, what mattered was the aim of attracting Latvia to Poland in political and military terms in order to exert influence on Lithuania in this way. Simultaneously, another reason was preventing attempts to establish contacts between two Poland's enemies, Russia and Germany. The final reason was the military factor, based on operational considerations: in the event of Bermondt's victory, Poland's potential front against Germany would get significantly longer. ; Zainteresowanie Łotwy i Polski wzajemnymi relacjami było zauważalne już od początku 1919 roku, jednak dopiero latem 1919 roku stosunki łotewsko-polskie zaczęły się rozwijać dynamiczniej. Dla obydwu stron były one ważne, a wobec tego, że sytuacja w regionie była niezwykle skomplikowana, na przykładzie stosunków łotewsko-polskich wyraźnie zauważalne są też tendencje ogólne, zdeterminiowane polityką Rosji Radzieckiej, antybolszewickiej lub białej Rosji, Niemiec, Polski, Litwy (w tym – stosunków obydwu tych państw), Łotwy, Estonii, Finlandii i innych krajów. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie stosunków łotewsko-polskich jesienią 1919 roku, kiedy na Łotwie i Litwie toczyły się walki z białą armią Bermondta. Wówczas, w obliczu wspólnego niebezpieczeństwa, miało miejsce definitywne zbliżenie między Łotwą i Polską. Od lata 1919 roku rozwijały wzajemne stosunki łotewsko-polskie. Było to zdeterminowane przede wszystkim wspólnymi interesami i wspólnymi wrogami (Rosja Radziecka, Niemcy) w regionie. Ten proces został przyśpieszony i nabrał wyjątkowego znaczenia przez dzialalność wojsk niemieckich, także na Łotwie i Litwie. Dowodzona przez Pawła Bermondta armia niemiecko - rosyjska w październiku 1919 r. atakowała stolicę Łotwy i Łotyszom z olbrzymim wysiłkiem udało się ofensywę powstrzymać. Właśnie w czasie walk z armią Bermondta jesienią 1919 roku miało miejsce definitywne zbliżenie łotewsko-polskie. W przypadku Łotwy była ona spowodowana przede wszystkim nadzieją na otrzymanie pomocy Polski do walki z Bermondtem. Działo się to w sytuacji, w której stosunki z Litwą nie układały się najlepiej z powodu sporu terytorialnego oraz odmiennej polityki zagranicznej. W przypadku Polski istotny wydawał się zamiar politycznego i wojskowego przyciągnięcia do sobie Łotwy, aby takim sposobem oddziaływać na Litwę. Jednocześnie chodziło o uniemożliwienie prób ustanowienia w regionie bałtyckim kontaktów między dwoma wrogami Polski, Rosją i Niemcami. Nie bez znaczenia był także czynnik wojskowy, oparty na rozważaniach operacyjnych: w przypadku zwycięstwa Bermondta znacznie przedłużyłby się ewentualny front polski przeciwko Niemiec.

Publikacja jest zbiorem artykułów z I Ogólnopolskiej Konferencji Studencko-Doktoranckiej, zorganizowanej 8 czerwca 2018 r. pt. "Świat, państwo, człowiek. Istota i perspektywy bezpieczeństwa w XXI wieku", zorganizowanej przez Koło Naukowe Doktorantów Nauk o Bezpieczeństwie UPH oraz Studenckie Koło Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego UPH ; Streszczenie: Po objęciu urzędu prezydenta przez Hollande'a przeprowadzono redefinicję strategii bezpieczeństwa. Polityka bezpieczeństwa i obrony Francji w okresie jego prezydentury została przedstawiona w Białej Księdze wydanej 29 kwietnia 2013 r. W dokumencie zawarto główne zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa oraz strategię obrony i środki służące do jej realizacji. Dokonano redefinicji polityki bezpieczeństwa Francji z powodu dynamicznych zmian w środowisku międzynarodowym i konieczności dostosowania polityki do warunków na arenie międzynarodowej. Celem artykułu jest analiza treści Białej Księgi, wskazanie najważniejszych zagrożeń dla państwa i regionu wymienionych w Księdze oraz priorytetów polityki zagranicznej. W pracy zaprezentowano istotę francuskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa oraz wskazano kierunki, w których ta polityka ewoluowała, podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie, na ile polityka bezpieczeństwa Francji jest skutecznym narzędziem we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych. ; Abstract: After President Hollande had taken office, the French security strategy was redefined. The French security and defense policy during his presidency were presented in the White Paper published on 29th April, 2013. The document enumerated the main threats to state security, presented the defense strategy and the measures which enable to implement it. The French security policy was redefined due to the dynamic changes in the international environment and the need to adapt the policy to international conditions. The aim of the article is to analyze the provisions of the White Paper, to point to the main threats to the country and the region described in the White Paper and to analyze foreign policy priorities. The article presents the essence of the French security policy and points to the directions in which this policy has evolved, it also attempts to answer the question to what extent the French security policy is an effective tool in the contemporary international relations.

The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages. ; The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages

The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages ; The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages.

Andrzej Leder's monograph Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenia z logiki historycznej [Sleepwalking the Revolution. An Exercise in Historical Logic] allows us to look at Julian Przyboś in a new perspective, which at least in part removes the communist label from the co-author of the anthology of revolutionary poetry Wzięli diabli pana [The devils have taken the lord] (1955) and thus forces us perhaps even to abandon the "white and red" perception of the 20th-century life stories of Poles. Aware of the historical significance, the poet would not say about the post-war social revolution, "It just happened".

The article analyses the main events and processes taking place during the last century in Crimea in the context of its occupation by the Russian Federation in 2014. They were presented in several phases: after 1917, when the future hosts were "white" Russians, Bolsheviks, local Tatars, Ukrainians and Ottoman Turks, and at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine, as well as local Russian-speaking people of the peninsula and Crimean Tatars were competing. Agreements and apparent agreements, as well as the incompetent policy pursued by the authorities in Kiev, have led to a political crisis which, so far, has been won by Putin's Russia.

The article discusses the process of formation of internal makret of 12 member states of the European Communities and analyses its implications for Poland. Attention was paid to the fact that European internal market is a consequence of economic integration within the Communities. In June 1985 the Commission prepared for the Council of Ministers the so-called White Paper on the implementation of internal market. Its content is very interesting, for it defines the features of internal market and contains about 300 proposals to implement internal market in various spheres. These proposals are accompanied by a detailed schedule of their realization. By the end of 1988 the Council of Ministers took about 90 decisions with respect to the internal market implementation; further steps are being discussed in working groups. The White Paper was later confirmed by Single European Acts, having the binding force of treaties. Single European Acts define the notion of internal market of member states of the Communities, proclaim the rule of qualified majority vote for decisions taken by the Council and set the deadline for a full realization of internal market for December 31, 1992. Various economic implications for Poland result from the above. It is indispensable for Polish economy to achieve a certain degree of convergence with the economies of member states of the Communities. In order to accomplish it, deep reforms of the structure of economy and management are necessary. The article indicates main directions of reforms and ways of carrying them out. It is a very demanding task for the Polish economic policy. Otherwise, Poland would find itself outside the economic relations with the Communities. Therefore, the article is against "emergency" reforms and instead postulates the realization of far-reaching reforms which would take into account the changes on the economic map of Europe. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Celem artykułu jest wskazanie relacji pomiędzy wydarzeniami, które miały miejsce na Ukrainie w 2014 roku i latach następnych, a zmianami w politykach obronnych wybranych państw Unii Europejskiej. Autor zakłada, że przynajmniej część z państw należących do Unii Europejskiej zmieniła swoją politykę obronną. Ograniczyła redukcję wydatków obronnych, a nawet rozpoczęła ich zwiększanie. Szczególnie w państwach graniczących z Federacją Rosyjską. Weryfikację tej hipotezy można przeprowadzić w oparciu o publikowane w latach 2014–2017 białe księgi obronności, lub dokumenty o tożsamym charakterze. Ponadto poprzez wskazanie działań (lub ich braku) realizowanych przez rządy państw zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami. Za właściwą perspektywę badawczą uznano podejście neorealistyczne. ; The aim of the article is to identify and analyse the relationship between events in Ukraine in 2014 and changes in defense policies of selected European Union countries. The author assumes that at least some of the countries belonging to the European Union have changed their defense policy. They limited the reduction of defense expenditures and even started to increase them. Especially countries bordering on the Russian Federation. Verification of this hypothesis can be carried out on the basis of defense white papers published in 2014–2017 or similar documents. Moreover, by analyse of the actions which have been taken to implement the adopted assumptions. The neorealistic approach was considered to be the right research perspective.

The aim of the article is to identify and analyse the relationship between events in Ukraine in 2014 and changes in defense policies of selected European Union countries. The author assumes that at least some of the countries belonging to the European Union have changed their defense policy. They limited the reduction of defense expenditures and even started to increase them. Especially countries bordering on the Russian Federation. Verification of this hypothesis can be carried out on the basis of defense white papers published in 2014–2017 or similar documents. Moreover, by analyse of the actions which have been taken to implement the adopted assumptions. The neorealistic approach was considered to be the right research perspective. ; Celem artykułu jest wskazanie relacji pomiędzy wydarzeniami, które miały miejsce na Ukrainie w 2014 roku i latach następnych, a zmianami w politykach obronnych wybranych państw Unii Europejskiej. Autor zakłada, że przynajmniej część z państw należących do Unii Europejskiej zmieniła swoją politykę obronną. Ograniczyła redukcję wydatków obronnych, a nawet rozpoczęła ich zwiększanie. Szczególnie w państwach graniczących z Federacją Rosyjską. Weryfikację tej hipotezy można przeprowadzić w oparciu o publikowane w latach 2014–2017 białe księgi obronności, lub dokumenty o tożsamym charakterze. Ponadto poprzez wskazanie działań (lub ich braku) realizowanych przez rządy państw zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami. Za właściwą perspektywę badawczą uznano podejście neorealistyczne.