Suchergebnisse

Since 1940, when an Australian legation was established in Washington DC, Australian governments have expected much from their representatives in the American capital. This book brings together expert analyses of those who have served as heads of mission and of the challenges they have faced. Ranging beyond conventional studies of the Australian–United States relationship, it provides insights into the dynamics between Australian and US policymakers and into the culture of one of Australia's oldest and most important overseas missions. It provides an appreciation of the importance of the embassy and the head of mission in Washington in mediating the relationship between Australia and the United States and of their role in managing expectations in Canberra and Washington. Australia Goes to Washington also sheds new light on personal trials and achievements at the coalface of Australian–United States relations.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Uncovering A Hidden History -- Proem -- 1 What Did The Palace Know? -- 2 What Did The High Court Justice(S) Know? -- 3 What Did Malcolm Fraser Know? -- 4 Ambush: The Half-Senate Election -- 5 Sir John Kerr's Second Dismissal -- 6 'The Man Who Would Be King' -- Postscript -- Notes

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Prime Ministers of Australia: 1949-2016 -- Introduction -- 1. The Politics of Consolidation: Robert Menzies -- 2. The Burden of Succession: Harold Holt, John Gorton and William McMahon -- 3. Harnessed by History: Gough Whitlam and Malcolm Fraser -- 4. Agents of Change: Bob Hawke and Paul Keating -- 5. Speaking for the Mainstream: John Howard -- 6. Harbingers of Decline? Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott -- 7. From Pre-eminence to Paradox: the Australian Prime Ministership, 1949-2016 -- Notes -- Acknowledgements -- Index.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- PART 1: THE CLANDESTINE AGENCIES -- 1 The security scandal that the US hid from the newborn ASIO -- 2 ASIO struggles with change -- 3 An information gatherer mutates into a secret police agency -- 4 ASIS: The government agency you pay to break the law -- 5 ASD/NSA: The Five Eyes club shows the Stasi how it's done -- 6 The uses and abuses of intelligence -- PART 2: AN IDEAL PLACE FOR DANGEROUS TESTS AND DANGEROUS BASES -- 7 Medical support for trials to keep the Asian hordes at bay -- 8 The best place to test the deadliest nerve agents -- 9 Fighting the good fight against chemical and biological warfare -- 10 Menzies' gift -- 11 The deceptively named minor trials -- 12 British perfidy, Australian timidity -- 13 The struggle to reveal Maralinga's malign secrets -- 14 A wise mandarin ignores leaks -- 15 How Australia joined the nuclear war club -- 16 Dangerous advice from ignorant Australian officials -- 17 Bluster and belligerence -- 18 North West Cape: More dangerous than ever -- 19 The man who thought he owned the secrets -- 20 The man who thought he owned a prime minister -- 21 The men who spread the fairytale about arms control -- 22 The men seduced by the secrets -- PART 3: ANZUS: THE TREATY WITHOUT A SECURITY GUARANTEE -- 23 The difficult birth and early years of a treaty -- 24 Foreign bases and foreign political interference -- 25 Enduring faith in a guarantee that doesn't exist -- 26 How New Zealand has survived without ANZUS -- 27 The lonely death of a good policy -- 28 What to do about a bellicose ally -- PART 4: THE WHITLAM ERA -- 29 The irrational US hatred of Whitlam -- 30 Punishing an innocent ally -- 31 Fraser's narrow escape -- 32 Some distinguished gentlemen from the CIA -- 33 Embracing ignorance.

The Gatekeepers examines the position of chief of staff to the Australian Prime Minister from the perspective of key individuals who have held it. Exploring the support needs of Australian political leaders, it traces the forces that have shaped the growth and specialisation of the Prime Ministers' Office since Gough Whitlam first formalized the appointment of a trusted senior person as head of his private office in 1972. Addressing a critical gap in our understanding of the contemporary practice of Australian political leadership, it reports the findings of a project designed to develop an empirically informed understanding of the role of prime ministerial chiefs of staff as seen by those who held the post

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- PART 1: Conceptual Framework -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Junior Allies and Power Shift in the International System -- PART 2: Australian Engagement with a Rising United States, 1908-51 -- 3 Deakin and a Rising United States -- 4 Lyons and the Trade Diversion Policy -- 5 Menzies, Spender and the New Pacific Power -- PART 3: Australian Engagement with a Rising China, 1971-2007 -- 6 Whitlam and the Diplomatic Recognition of China -- 7 Hawke's Response to Tiananmen Square -- 8 Howard and Growing Chinese Strategic Power -- PART 4: Reflections and Comparisons -- 9 Australia, an Independent Ally -- Epilogue -- Bibliography -- Index

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- 1 An Australian Enlightenment -- 2 External Affairs, Cultural Cringe -- 3 China-watcher -- 4 Red Guards -- 5 Asianists -- 6 Whitlam and Zhou Enlai -- 7 Election 1972 -- 8 An Australian in China -- 9 North Korea -- 10 Introducing Malcolm Fraser -- 11 Chinese Earthquakes -- 12 Brave New World -- 13 Performing Bear -- 14 Race, Asia, Immigration -- 15 Tiananmen 1989 -- 16 East Asian Hemisphere -- 17 Asia in the Time of Howard -- 18 Asia-sceptics -- 19 Asian Hemisphere or Anglosphere? -- Notes -- Index

The Gatekeepers examines the position of chief of staff to the Australian Prime Minister from the perspective of key individuals who have held it. Exploring the support needs of Australian political leaders, it traces the forces that have shaped the growth and specialisation of the Prime Ministers' Office since Gough Whitlam first formalized the appointment of a trusted senior person as head of his private office in 1972. Addressing a critical gap in our understanding of the contemporary practice of Australian political leadership, it reports the findings of a project designed to develop an em.

The Australian Assistance Plan (AAP) was an innovative yet largely forgotten social welfare program from the 1970s. A key platform of the Whitlam Labor government, which established a series of Regional Councils for Social Development across Australia, the AAP reframed citizens' participation in their communities, stimulated voluntary organisations and volunteering and attempted to transform engagement among all levels of governments and the voluntary sector. Through an analysis of three Regional Council case studies in Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia, this article focuses on the themes of regionalism and regional distinctiveness in order to assess how questions of regional difference can impact on the development of policy practices.

Abstract
This article interweaves the personal and archival by exploring the intersection of official Australian records on the fall of Saigon and government handling of Vietnamese refugees in 1975 with my family history. As transitional justice addresses the legacies of human rights violations including the displacement and resettlement of refugees in post-conflict contexts, Australian responses to the Vietnamese refugee crisis of 1975 provide a relevant case study. Drawing on a wide range of archival documentation at the National Archives of Australia and the National Library of Australia, including policy papers, Senate findings, confidential cables, ministerial submissions, private correspondence and photographs, I trace the effect of government decisions on Vietnamese refugees seeking asylum. In the process I reveal actions by senior bureaucrats and in particular by then Prime Minister Gough Whitlam that are largely unknown. Combining archival research with personal history enables me to not only shed light on past actions of governance and uncover past injustice but also explore the enduring impact of government decision-making on individual lives.

Julia Gillard replaced Kevin Rudd as prime minister and Labor leader in June 2010. She describes her government as being firmly in the "tradition of Labor". To locate it in the broad ideological continuum of Labor governments, and to test the suggestion that she is travelling a reform path set largely by the Hawke and Keating governments, I analyse the positions taken by Rudd and Gillard on a range of issues, beginning with economic policy. On social issues Gillard has been even more cautious than Rudd and this reflects her analysis of the electoral impact of Howard's Culture Wars. Her focus on educational opportunity suggests she is the logical successor to Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. As Labor leaders, Rudd and Gillard each embraced market‐reliant policy positions. Rudd even claimed to be an "fiscal conservative". However, with Rudd venturing a critique of neo‐liberalism, it is Gillard whose stance is closer to Hawke and Keating's "economic rationalism". Indeed Gillard's insistence upon the centrality of markets leaves Labor with a dilemma: if there are no significant problems with relying on markets then why does Australia need a social democratic party?

The rise of the Australian welfare state -- The wage earners welfare state and the rediscovery of poverty -- The social democratic Whitlam labor government 1972-75 -- The anti-welfare backlash locally and internationally -- The decline of Keynesianism, the revival of classical liberalism and the alleged welfare state crisis -- The conservative liberal-national party coalition attempts to roll back the welfare state 1975-1983 -- Labor retreats from social democracy and adopts targeted welfare, the Hawke and Keating governments 1983-1996 -- The Australian neoliberal campaign to cut welfare : the role of think tanks, the media and corporate lobby groups -- The new convergence around conditional welfare -- Restoring self-reliance and the work ethic and saving taxpayers funds : the liberal-national party coalition's approach to social welfare 1983-2018 -- Labor accepts welfare conditionality 1996-2018 -- Rejecting the neoliberal consensus : welfare policy dissent and alternatives -- Case studies of the Australian council of social service (ACOSS) and the Australian greens -- Towards a participatory welfare model -- Conclusion -- Index

AbstractThis is an edited transcript of a talk given to the colloquium at the Whitlam Institute held on the 21st February 2018 on the topic of the title of this address. Here Linda Burney indicates the state of play in the Labor Party's response to the 'Uluru Statement from the Heart' at that time including this Party's recommendation to the Government that it establish a Joint Select Committee to enable the Commonwealth Parliament's Response. Such a committee was established: 'On 19 March 2018, the Parliament agreed that a Joint Select Committee on Constitutional Recognition relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples be appointed to inquire into and report on matters relating to constitutional change' (Commonwealth of Australia 2018, 2). Linda Burney is a member of the Joint Select Committee that has produced an Interim Report (July 2018), and which is co‐chaired by Senator Patrick Dodson (First Nations Caucus within the Labor Party) and Julian Leeser, a Coalition Government MP.

The Fraser government's response to the Indo-Chinese refugee crisis and the presentation, for the first time, of asylum-seekers arriving in Australia by boat is almost universally acclaimed as having been proactive, generous and humanitarian in spirit-the antithesis of both the preceding Whitlam Labor government and subsequent governments, particularly since 2001. Adopting a policy of 'forward selection' of refugees from camps in South-East Asia, the Fraser government was able to stem the flow of boats and oversaw the relatively uncontroversial resettlement of nearly 70,000 Indo-Chinese. However, the author argues that this was not the brave and principled course of action for which Fraser and his immigration ministers are regularly feted, but rather a delayed response that was motivated by fear and desperation rather than pure humanitarian intent. The celebrated outcomes of Fraser's policies belie the self-interested way in which they were constructed and neglect the fact that the government did not act until it was forced. Fraser's policies were neither a departure from the past nor the antithesis of current polices; to the contrary, they were the seeds of the contemporary Australian model of asylum. Adapted from the source document.