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This article explores the evolution of Malcolm Fraser's views on China. While Gough Whitlam is fondly remembered as a trailblazer for normalizing Australia‐China relations, Fraser was a pioneer in rendering a sense of bipartisanship in Australia's China policy. Fraser was not initially a Sino‐enthusiast, however. He came from a background of staunch anti‐Communism and throughout the 1950s and 1960s believed that China posed a major threat to stability in the Asia‐Pacific. The Liberal Party fiercely opposed the Whitlam government's decision to normalise diplomatic relations with China in 1972. Following the Whitlam dismissal in 1975, Fraser became Prime Minister and, in what seemed to be an abrupt departure from the Liberal Party's position, thoroughly embraced relations with China. As Leader of the Opposition, Whitlam called out the hypocrisy of the Liberal Party's radical policy shift. This study examines the domestic and international dynamics that shaped Fraser's views on China and ultimate adoption of a successful China policy. This is the untold story of a crucial turning point in Australia‐China relations under the leadership of a conservative government, in which a strong relationship with China became a cornerstone of bipartisan Australian foreign policy.

Gough Whitlam's father was one of Australia's most significant public servants. Deputy Crown Solicitor and Crown Solicitor at a time of great constitutional and international change, Frederick Whitlam maintained an unusually advanced perspective on the use of international instruments to protect rights and to expand powers of nationhood. Gough Whitlam's war‐time experiences in the Air Force, in particular during the referendum campaign to expand Commonwealth Powers to aid post‐war reconstruction, cemented these aspects as central to his developing notions of democratic citizenship. In his 1973 Sir Robert Garran Memorial lecture, fourteen years after his father had delivered the inaugural oration, Gough Whitlam acknowledged the influence of his father as a "great public servant" committed to public service and the developing institutions of internationalism: "I am Australia's first Prime Minister with that particular background". This paper explores "that particular background".I have never wavered from my fundamental belief that until the national government became involved in great matters like schools and cities, this nation would never fulfil its real capabilities.1

An Australian decision -- The truth of the Reserve Powers -- Kerr cultivates the palace -- The Queen and recall -- A disgruntled Governor-General -- The judges: Barwick and Mason -- Whitlam's half-senate election folly -- Fraser: Engineer of the crisis -- Kerr: To resign or not to resign -- Whitlam, Fraser and the palace -- Kerr under siege -- Kerr and Charles: A special relationship -- The Republic -- The modern Governor-General.

Since 1940, when an Australian legation was established in Washington DC, Australian governments have expected much from their representatives in the American capital. This book brings together expert analyses of those who have served as heads of mission and of the challenges they have faced. Ranging beyond conventional studies of the Australian–United States relationship, it provides insights into the dynamics between Australian and US policymakers and into the culture of one of Australia's oldest and most important overseas missions. It provides an appreciation of the importance of the embassy and the head of mission in Washington in mediating the relationship between Australia and the United States and of their role in managing expectations in Canberra and Washington. Australia Goes to Washington also sheds new light on personal trials and achievements at the coalface of Australian–United States relations.

The Australia in World Affairs series commenced in 1950 and provides a continuous, researched scholarly account of Australia's foreign policy. This fifth volume, Australia in World Affairs 1971-1976, includes the final years of the Coalition's post-1949 time in government, and describes and evaluates the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Whitlam Labor Government. Gough Whitlam not only led his party to its first taste of power in almost a quarter of a century, but also dominated his government's dealings with the world outside. Where for so long Australia's external relations had been based on what were seen as 'natural' alignments - especially with Britain and the United States - the nation now faced the much more difficult problems involved in forging and maintaining alignments of convenience with states with whom she lacked ethnic, cultural or historical bonds, and from whom she could not expect any special consideration or tolerance.

In this reappraisal of recent Australian political life, Paul Strangio and James Walter analyse the performances of five prime ministers (Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) against the background of changes in the political system over the past three decades and assess the leadership style of a potential prime minister, Kevin Rudd. The authors argue that good democratic leadership requires robust institutions, including a fearless public service, a strong Opposition and alternative policy advice

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Uncovering A Hidden History -- Proem -- 1 What Did The Palace Know? -- 2 What Did The High Court Justice(S) Know? -- 3 What Did Malcolm Fraser Know? -- 4 Ambush: The Half-Senate Election -- 5 Sir John Kerr's Second Dismissal -- 6 'The Man Who Would Be King' -- Postscript -- Notes

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Prime Ministers of Australia: 1949-2016 -- Introduction -- 1. The Politics of Consolidation: Robert Menzies -- 2. The Burden of Succession: Harold Holt, John Gorton and William McMahon -- 3. Harnessed by History: Gough Whitlam and Malcolm Fraser -- 4. Agents of Change: Bob Hawke and Paul Keating -- 5. Speaking for the Mainstream: John Howard -- 6. Harbingers of Decline? Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott -- 7. From Pre-eminence to Paradox: the Australian Prime Ministership, 1949-2016 -- Notes -- Acknowledgements -- Index.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- PART 1: THE CLANDESTINE AGENCIES -- 1 The security scandal that the US hid from the newborn ASIO -- 2 ASIO struggles with change -- 3 An information gatherer mutates into a secret police agency -- 4 ASIS: The government agency you pay to break the law -- 5 ASD/NSA: The Five Eyes club shows the Stasi how it's done -- 6 The uses and abuses of intelligence -- PART 2: AN IDEAL PLACE FOR DANGEROUS TESTS AND DANGEROUS BASES -- 7 Medical support for trials to keep the Asian hordes at bay -- 8 The best place to test the deadliest nerve agents -- 9 Fighting the good fight against chemical and biological warfare -- 10 Menzies' gift -- 11 The deceptively named minor trials -- 12 British perfidy, Australian timidity -- 13 The struggle to reveal Maralinga's malign secrets -- 14 A wise mandarin ignores leaks -- 15 How Australia joined the nuclear war club -- 16 Dangerous advice from ignorant Australian officials -- 17 Bluster and belligerence -- 18 North West Cape: More dangerous than ever -- 19 The man who thought he owned the secrets -- 20 The man who thought he owned a prime minister -- 21 The men who spread the fairytale about arms control -- 22 The men seduced by the secrets -- PART 3: ANZUS: THE TREATY WITHOUT A SECURITY GUARANTEE -- 23 The difficult birth and early years of a treaty -- 24 Foreign bases and foreign political interference -- 25 Enduring faith in a guarantee that doesn't exist -- 26 How New Zealand has survived without ANZUS -- 27 The lonely death of a good policy -- 28 What to do about a bellicose ally -- PART 4: THE WHITLAM ERA -- 29 The irrational US hatred of Whitlam -- 30 Punishing an innocent ally -- 31 Fraser's narrow escape -- 32 Some distinguished gentlemen from the CIA -- 33 Embracing ignorance.

The Gatekeepers examines the position of chief of staff to the Australian Prime Minister from the perspective of key individuals who have held it. Exploring the support needs of Australian political leaders, it traces the forces that have shaped the growth and specialisation of the Prime Ministers' Office since Gough Whitlam first formalized the appointment of a trusted senior person as head of his private office in 1972. Addressing a critical gap in our understanding of the contemporary practice of Australian political leadership, it reports the findings of a project designed to develop an empirically informed understanding of the role of prime ministerial chiefs of staff as seen by those who held the post

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- PART 1: Conceptual Framework -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Junior Allies and Power Shift in the International System -- PART 2: Australian Engagement with a Rising United States, 1908-51 -- 3 Deakin and a Rising United States -- 4 Lyons and the Trade Diversion Policy -- 5 Menzies, Spender and the New Pacific Power -- PART 3: Australian Engagement with a Rising China, 1971-2007 -- 6 Whitlam and the Diplomatic Recognition of China -- 7 Hawke's Response to Tiananmen Square -- 8 Howard and Growing Chinese Strategic Power -- PART 4: Reflections and Comparisons -- 9 Australia, an Independent Ally -- Epilogue -- Bibliography -- Index

In the third Quarterly Essay of 2004, Margaret Simons takes a long hard look at Mark Latham, the self-proclaimed ""club buster"" and the man who would be prime minister. Few doubt Latham's intelligence and ambition, but what will this amount to in government? Simons argues that if Labor is elected, it will not be ""business as usual"". Rather we can expect a reformist government in the spirit - if not the letter - of Latham's political tutor, Gough Whitlam. It is also likely to be a government that has little time for the totemic issues of the Labor elites.This is an essay that takes the polit

Disproportionate attention is often focused on government programs which are adopted as part of a political platform. Yet these are often marginal in terms of the expenditures involved. Such is the case with education. The disadvantaged schools program introduced by the Whitlam Labor government involved only a very small outlay compared with the annual expenditure on education in Victoria. This paper argues that it is important to find ways of evaluating the spatial and social impact of the main bulk of government programs. Evidence is adduced which casts some doubt on the equity with which state government funds for state secondary schools have been allocated spatially in metropolitan Melbourne.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- 1 An Australian Enlightenment -- 2 External Affairs, Cultural Cringe -- 3 China-watcher -- 4 Red Guards -- 5 Asianists -- 6 Whitlam and Zhou Enlai -- 7 Election 1972 -- 8 An Australian in China -- 9 North Korea -- 10 Introducing Malcolm Fraser -- 11 Chinese Earthquakes -- 12 Brave New World -- 13 Performing Bear -- 14 Race, Asia, Immigration -- 15 Tiananmen 1989 -- 16 East Asian Hemisphere -- 17 Asia in the Time of Howard -- 18 Asia-sceptics -- 19 Asian Hemisphere or Anglosphere? -- Notes -- Index

The Gatekeepers examines the position of chief of staff to the Australian Prime Minister from the perspective of key individuals who have held it. Exploring the support needs of Australian political leaders, it traces the forces that have shaped the growth and specialisation of the Prime Ministers' Office since Gough Whitlam first formalized the appointment of a trusted senior person as head of his private office in 1972. Addressing a critical gap in our understanding of the contemporary practice of Australian political leadership, it reports the findings of a project designed to develop an em.