Suchergebnisse

The context Quasi-market regulation is on the rise in Europe, among others in the field of personal services sector, where there are mainly low-skilled workers (Henry and al. 2009). One of the main feature of the quasi-market form of regulation is the introduction of competition between different types of providers, whether for-profit organizations or social economy organizations. One of the specificity of social economy is their social mission rather that pursuing financial return. Meanwhile, unemployment remains high in the European Union and non-standard work arrangements, precariousness tend to increase. With the Europe 2020 strategy, the EU re-opens the debate about employment. In this institutional context, the question of the links between the mission of the organization and quality of work is crucial, not only for policy objectives, but also for theory. And there is an obvious lack of fundamental research. Locating the concern within a wider literature, The quality of work is a controversial question in the empirical literature: some argue that the quality of job is worse in social economy organizations, other better. McMullen and Schellenberg (2003) have shown that non-profit-organizations in Canada offer lower wages but a better work-family balance. The presence of lower wages has been confirmed by Frank (1996), Preston (1989) and Weisbrod, (1983) but not by par Leete (2000) and Ruhm & Borkoski (2003) while Mocan & Teikin (2003) have even observed higher wages in social economy organizations. Petrella & all (2010) have shown that politics in risk prevention and the establishment of formal social dialogue are generally insufficient in the social economy sector in France and Tortia (2008) found that Italian social economy organizations offer higher autonomy and recognition to their workers. Nevertheless, the literature is agreed to say that workers in social economy organizations are generally more satisfied of their jobs, even in the presence of lower job quality. This higher satisfaction should be due to the socials values sustained by the mission of the organizations which correspond to the intrinsic motivations of their workers and therefore constitute an additional source of satisfaction for them (Frey & Goette, 1999). Analytical framework The economic literature identified two main sources of differentiation between social economy organizations and for-profit organizations (FPO) which may have an impact on job quality: First, the literature has shown that social economy organizations attract the most intrinsically motivated workers who have generally very specific motivations (Borzaga & Tortia, 2006; Meier & Stutzer, 2008; Prouteau & Wolff, 2004). Hence, social economy organizations have some interest to develop organizational practices adapted to the motivations of their workers. However, since low-skilled workers are generally in a precarious situation on the labour market and considering the nature of the tasks usually assigned to this type of worker, we may have some doubt on the capacity of these workers to be intrinsically motivated by their work. Our first contribution to the literature will be to check if social economy organizations employ low-qualified workers who are more intrinsically motivated than their counterparts in FPO. We will then be able to identify clearly the source(s) of the workers' satisfaction. Second, the mission would have a direct impact on employment quality. In fact, the aim of the incentive structure established by any type of organization is to motivate the workers in the direction of the organization's mission (Fehr & Falk, 2002). Since the mission of the social economy organizations and FPO are quite different, we could easily imagine that their incentive structure would not be identical. Moreover, social economy organizations would respect some principles, like the primacy of persons and work over capital in the income distribution and the process of democratic decision, which will highlights some aspects of job quality (Borzaga & Tortia, 2006). In this paper, we will contribute to the economic literature by comparing social economy organizations with FPO on the job quality in the particular case of low-skilled workers. For this study, we defined the job quality on the basis of the Munoz's work (2009). Job quality is the combination of the following dimensions: Wages, carrier opportunities, working hours and work-family balance, job security, participation, skills development, relational aspects, autonomy, variety and creativity of the task and physical working conditions. Each of these dimensions will be captured by objective, but also subjective indicators like satisfaction. Methodology The Belgian 'voucher system' offers a unique field to test the impact of the mission of the organization since it is designed to foster the creation of regular salaried jobs for low-skilled persons doing housework and is open to all kinds of organizations: a variety of for-profit and not-for-profit providers compete on the market. In order to collect data, we have designed two questionnaires which will be submitted to a sample of 50 organizations during the last two months of 2011. The first one is targeted to a representative of the employer, and will be addressed in face-to-face interviews, with a view to seize job quality. The second questionnaire is targeted to a sample of workers in order to complement the information about job quality of their organization and to assess their motivations. We will also compare the socio-economic profiles of the workers between the different organizations. Finally, we will use administrative data from a database of the national Belgian office for employment that provides annual information on the contracts of all the workers involved in the service voucher system.

I. Introduction -- 1. The Conversation on Sunday Afternoon -- 2. Utopia -- 3. Facts -- 4. Casus Belli in Practice -- 5. Volumes One to Three -- 6. Volume Four -- II. The Glorious Revolution -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Republics -- 3. The First War between the Dutch and English Republics -- 4. Allies with France, War with Spain -- 5. The Restoration -- 6. Alliance with Portugal and Further War with Spain -- 7. A Second War with the Dutch, and then the French -- 8. Alliance with France, Further War against the Dutch, and Another Peace -- 9. War and Peace with English and the Indigenous Communities in the Colonies -- 10. The Causes of the Revolution in England -- 11. The Invasion of England -- 12. The Glorious Revolution -- 13. John Locke -- 14. Constitutional Monarchy Entrenched -- 15. Liberty -- 16. Conclusion -- III. The Wars of Louis XIV -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Ongoing Conflict with Spain -- 3. The War of Spanish Inheritance -- 4. The War of France and England against the Dutch Republic -- 5. The Reunion Wars -- 6. The Nine Years War -- 7. The War of Spanish Succession -- 8. Conclusion -- IV. The Interregnum -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Succession and Dynastic Considerations -- 3. The War of the Quadruple Alliance -- 4. The 1720s -- 5. Skirting a Major Conflict in the 1730s -- 6. Conclusion -- V. The War of Austrian Succession -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Prize -- 3. Frederick II -- 4. The Opportunities for Others of the Habsburg Inheritance -- 5. Splintering the Opposition and Building New Alliances -- 6. The Slide Towards World War -- 7. Coming to the Boil -- 8. Full Boil -- 9. Bonnie Prince Charlie -- 10. Expansion and Exhaustion -- 11. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle -- 12. Conclusion -- VI. The Seven Years War -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The New Plan -- 3. Trouble in the Colonies -- 4. Austria Backs Away from its Alliance with Britain -- 5. Britain Makes a Deal with Russia -- 6. The Treaty of Westminster Trumps that with Russia -- 7. Misreading the Opposition -- 8. New Friends and New Neutrals: The First Treaties of Versailles -- 9. The Deepening Conflict -- 10. The Invasion of Saxony -- 11. The Widening Conflict in India and North America -- 12. The Expansion of the Anti-Prussian Alliance -- 13. Extreme Pressure Applied on Prussia -- 14. The Push Back -- 15. A Good Year for Britain -- 16. The Pressure on Prussia and Victories for Britain -- 17. The Entry of Spain -- 18. The Exit of Russia -- 19. The Last Actions -- 20. The Peace of Paris -- 21. The Peace of Hubertusburg -- 22. Conclusion -- VII. The War of American Independence -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Before the Revolution -- 3. After the Seven Years War -- 4. Land and Native Americans -- 5. Sugar and Stamps -- 6. A Revised Approach -- 7. Tea -- 8. The Intolerable Acts -- 9. 1774: The Reaction -- 10. A Shot Heard Across the World -- 11. The Justification and Escalation -- 12. The First Help and Assistance -- 13. Common Sense -- 14. The Declaration of Independence -- 15. Military Survival and Political Cohesion -- 16. The French Enter the War -- 17. As the War Grinds on in North America, it Expands into Other Parts of the World -- 18. Spain Enters the Fray -- 19. Tupac's Rebellion in Peru -- 20. A Global War -- 21. The League of Armed Neutrality -- 22. The Last Years of the Conflict -- 23. Peace -- 24. The Native American Question -- 25. What the Americans Fought for -- 26. The United States and the Wider World in the 1790s -- 27. The French Revolution and the Turn Towards Isolationism -- 28. Conclusion -- VIII. The French Revolution -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Kings -- 3. Philosophers -- 4. The Fuse to Revolution in France -- 5. The Foreign Context -- 6. War -- 7. The First Coalition against the Republic of France -- 8. Internal Enemies -- 9. The War Changes, Turns and Expands -- 10. Britain Fights Alone -- 11. The Second Coalition -- 12. Napoleon -- 13. Conclusion -- IX. Slavery -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Numbers and Impact -- 3. Supply -- 4. Traders -- 5. Indentured Labour -- 6. The Laws of Slavery -- 7. Slave Revolts in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century -- 8. Dissent against Slavery -- 9. Slave Revolts up to 1765 -- 10. The American Revolution -- 11. The Abolitionist Movement in Britain -- 12. The French Revolution -- 13. Saint Dominique/Haiti -- 14. The Revolt -- 15. Conclusion -- X. The Wars of North and Eastern Europe -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The First Northern War -- 3. The Second Northern War -- 4. Between the Wars -- 5. The War of Polish Succession -- 6. The Austrian War of Succession -- 7. The Seven Years War -- 8. Catherine the Great -- 9. The First Partition of Poland -- 10. Rebellions against Serfdom -- 11. The Almost War of Bavarian Succession -- 12. The Second Partition of Poland -- 13. The End of the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania -- 14. Paul I -- 15. Conclusion -- XI. Religion -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Enlightenment -- 3. Religion as a Pretext for War -- 4. The Movement Towards Tolerance -- 5. Religion in the Revolutionary Wars -- 6. Conclusion -- XII. The Muslim Territories -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Ottoman Empire -- 3. The Siege of Vienna -- 4. North Africa -- 5. New Ottoman Conflict with Russia -- 6. New Ottoman Conflict with the Venetians and the Habsburgs -- 7. The End of the Safavid Dynasty -- 8. The Rise of Nader Shah -- 9. The Austro-Russian and Ottoman War of 1735 to 1739 -- 10. Aurangzeb and the Mughal Empire -- 11. Nader Shah at Full Strength -- 12. The Rise of the British in India -- 13. Three Decades of Russian-Ottoman Conflict -- 14. War and Peace in Eighteenth-century North Africa -- 15. The Challenge at the Epicentre of the Ottoman Empire -- 16. Conclusion -- XIII. China and its Neighbours -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Shunzhi Emperor -- 3. The Kangxi Emperor -- 4. The Yongzheng Emperor -- 5. The Qianlong Emperor -- 6. Europeans -- 7. Conclusion -- XIV. Grand Plans for Peace -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hobbes -- 3. Penn -- 4. Leibniz -- 5. The Abbé Charles de Saint-Pierre -- 6. Vattel and Wolff -- 7. Voltaire -- 8. Rousseau -- 9. Bentham -- 10. Kant -- 11. Conclusion -- XV. Conclusion -- 1. Absolute Rulers -- 2. Religion -- 3. Ideologies of the Enlightenment -- 4. The Muslim Territories -- 5. China and Asia.

Background of the study: Leaving one's home can at times be hazardous, especially when unexpected occurrences take place. Simultaneously, the scale of human mobility is growing. No wonder that tourism has become more vulnerable (Seabra, Reis & Abrantes 2020). Global activity has grown, and so have the number and geographical range of terrorism attacks during periods. Inherent to this development is the growth of risk for individual travelers (Beck 1999). Tourists who relate a place to risk will be influenced in their destination and travel behavior (Reichel, Fuchs, & Uriely 2007; Adeloyde & Brown 2017; Ritchie & Jiang, 2019). In parallel to risk expansion comes an increasing awareness and attention to risk, (Cui, Liu, Chang, Duan and Li 2016). Yet the understanding of risk in tourism research is fragmented. This is astonishing, as one could argue that the concept of risk is inherent in the concept of travel (Williams & Balàz 2015). Purpose of the study: This contribution studies tourists' argumentations about risk and safety. How do tourists consider these terms in relation to their journeys? How do they argue about what these terms mean to them, and how terrorism influences their way of travel? This contribution aims to ascertain risk, and ultimately safety, in relation to terrorist attacks in tourism. This is beneficial because literature exhibits a high level of uncertainty, both regarding the interpretation of terms, and managerial actions on the spot. Methodology: We have accomplished semi-structured interviews with people who consider themselves common travellers. We asked about people's views on risk, safety and terrorism. We have been concerned to look beyond travelling patterns, with the intention to understand shared, basic assumptions behind people's travelling habits. The qualitative approach is motivated by our aim to understand people's reasoning about their attitudes. There are overwhelming results based on quantitative methods in previous research and this study does not intend to question them. Instead, this is a study in which qualitative interviews can contribute to explaining the previous results based on both qualitative and quantitative results, and to take them a step further. The empirical data consists of eight interviews with people living in Sweden. Results: The study asserts that the feelings of risk and safety are narrowly related. Travelling together with a trusted person is of importance for decreasing the feeling of risk, and for simultaneously increasing the feeling of safety. Fellow travelers who are calm in agitated situations, who preferably know the place, and who can offer help when needed, are major actors when it comes to keeping cool during the journey. But twitchy companions will achieve the opposite when they transfer their nervousness. Thus choosing a travel companion is a delicate mission for vacationers. In addition, not only fellow travelers are important, but friends and family at home, too. The reasons for omitting risky situations may not be the own life in the first place, but the fact that there is someone waiting for you at home. The birth of one's own children constitutes a turning point in people's risk perception, where risk is seen as something less desirable than before. Also age per se is influencing this. People's views on sites and countries differed between the interviewees. However there was a close relation to either cultural attitudes towards women, segregation of people or democratic traditions. The main reasons for not immediately visiting a place after a terrorists attack is not fear, but i) what could be described as respect for the people living there, ii) inconvenience because of supposed delays, and iii) that the stay not will be as they would like to when visiting a city in sorrow. Conclusions: Terrorism is not understood as a major threat during travel; this study achieved nuanced results in this issue. Put simply, terrorism is not in participants' minds when thinking aout their own safety. Terrorism exists, but doe not influence people's travel behaviors. In contrast, the interviewees do not consider travelling to places that are related to terrorism, war, or political instability. The most prevalent result in this study is that the perception of risk and safety is strongly interrelated. Rather than being related to risk, terrorism is linked to matters of inconvenience and respect. Research implications and limitations: In conjunction to earlier research studies pointing at disparate or contradicting results, this research contributes with its emphasis on complexity. Results implicate that research would benefit from amplifying the relationships between risk and safety; risk and place; risk and safety in relation to tourist behaviour before and during travel. One limitation is for sure the close geographical focus on merely Swedish participants in this study, which is why further case studies from other parts of the worls are called for. References: Beck, U. (1999). World risk society. Cambridge, Polity Press. Clayton, A., Mustelier, L. & Korstanje, M. (2014). Understanding Perceptions and Attitudes to Risk in the Tourism Industry. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage 1(1) 51-65. Cui, F., Liu, Y., Chang, Y., Duan, J., & Li, J. (2016). An overview of tourism risk perception. Nat Hazards 82, 643-658. Reichel, A., Fuchs, G., & Uriely, N. (2007). Perceived risk and the non-institutionalized tourist role: The case of Israeli student ex-backpackers. Journal of Travel Research 46(2), 217-226. Ritchie, B.W., & Jiang, Y. (2019). A review of research on tourism risk, crisis and disaster management. Annals of Tourism Research 79, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102812. Saha, S., & Yap, G. (2014). The moderation effects of political instability and terrorism on tourism development: a cross-country panel analysis. Journal of Travel Research 53(4), 509-521. Seabra, C., Reis, P., & Abrantes, J.L. (2020). The influence of terrorism in tourism arrivals: a longitudinal approach in a Mediterranean country. Annals of Tourism Research 80, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102811. Wolff, K., & Larsen, S. (2014). Can terrorism make us feel safer? Risk perceptions and worries before and after the July 22nd attacks. Annals of Tourism Research 44, 200-209.

NOMAD (Nadir and Occultation for MArs Discovery) is one of the four instruments on board the ExoMars Trace Gas Orbiter, scheduled for launch in March 2016. It consists of a suite of three high-resolution spectrometers - SO (Solar Occultation), LNO (Limb, Nadir and Occultation) and UVIS (Ultraviolet and Visible Spectrometer). Based upon the characteristics of the channels and the values of Signal-to-Noise Ratio obtained from radiometric models discussed in (Vandaele et al., 2015a, 2015b; Thomas et al., 2016), the expected performances of the instrument in terms of sensitivity to detection have been investigated. The analysis led to the determination of detection limits for 18 molecules, namely CO, HO, HDO, CH, CH, CH, HCO, CH, SO, HS, HCl, HCN, HO, NH, NO, NO, OCS, O. NOMAD should have the ability to measure methane concentrations Inter-university Attraction Poles> programme financed by the Belgian Government (Planet TOPERS no P7-15) and a BRAIN Research Grant BR/143/A2/SCOOP. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under Grant Agreement no. 607177 CrossDrive. UK funding is acknowledged under the UK Space Agency Grant ST/I003061/1. ; Peer Reviewed

Abstract: The paper presents the field of history of education in Hungary, analysing the central periods in the development of historical educational research in Hungary since the 19th century. In the first period since the end of the 19th century the history of education has been adopted in Hungary too as a subject of instruction in teachers' education. This subject of history of education, with its bibliography and literarature has built an acadmeic model which is operative still today. However, since the 1970s and 1980s the educational sciences have a research method, whic is more oriented towards social science. The historiography of educational research and writing in Hungary has been responsive to this international trends from the early 1990s. The second part of the paper is focused on an outline of the present state of the art and trends in the Hungarian development, with the main agents, important works, institutional contexts and methodological debates. Keywords: history of education; history of historical educational research in Hungary; periods of development; major works; methodological debates. Espacio, Tiempo y Educación, v. 3, n. 1, January-July 2016, pp. 85-110. ISSN: 2340-7263 Die historische Pädagogik in Ungarn. Geschichte und heutiger Stand The Historical Educational Research in Hungary. His History and Actual Position András Németh e-mail: nemeth.andras@ppk.elte.hu Eötvös Loránd University. Hungary Zusammenfassung: Der Aufsatz gibt einen Überblick über die Hauptperioden der ungarischen historischen Pädagogik in ihrer Geschichte seit dem 19. Jahrhundert. In der ersten Periode wurde sie dann seit der Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts zu einem Lehrfach der Lehrerbildung. Das Fach und sein Literatur haben einen Kanon gebildet, der bis heute wirksam ist. Seit den 1970er und 1980er Jahren hat sich auch in der Erziehungswissenscheften eine neue sozialwissenschaftlich orientierte Historische Forschung herausbildet, derer internationale Trends begann die ungarische historische Pädagogik seit Anfang der 1990er Jahren zu rezipieren. In dem zweiten Teil wird der heutige Stand dieser Entwicklungsperiode mit den Hauptakteuren, institutionellen Kontexten, grundlegenden Werken, theoretisch- methodischen Debatten dargestellt. Schlüsselwörter: Erziehungsgeschiche; Geschichte der historischen Pädagogik in Ungan; Entwichlungsperioden; Hauptwerke; methodische Debatten. Abstract: The paper presents the field of history of education in Hungary, analysing the central periods in the development of historical educational research in Hungary since the 19th century. In the first period since the end of the 19th century the history of education has been adopted in Hungary too as a subject of instruction in teachers' education. This subject of history of education, with its bibliography and literarature has built an acadmeic model which is operative still today. However, since the 1970s and 1980s the educational sciences have a research method, whic is more oriented towards social science. The historiography of educational research and writing in Hungary has been responsive to this international trends from the early 1990s. The second part of the paper is focused on an outline of the present state of the art and trends in the Hungarian development, with the main agents, important works, institutional contexts and methodological debates. Keywords: history of education; history of historical educational research in Hungary; periods of development; major works; methodological debates. Recibido / Received: 09/01/2016 Aceptado / Accepted: 17/01/2016 Cómo referenciar este artículo / How to reference this article Németh, A. (2016). Die historische Pädagogik in Ungarn. Geschichte und heutiger Stand. Espacio, Tiempo y Educación, 3(1), 85-110. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.2016.003.001.6 26/1. oldal 26/2. oldal 86 András Németh Espacio, Tiempo y Educación, v. 3, n. 1, January-July 2016, pp. 85-110. ISSN: 2340-7263 1. Einführung Das Forschungsfeld der historischen Pädagogik entwickelte sich weltweit im Rahmen eines akademischen Institutionalisierungsprozesses wie die Einrichtung selbständiger Lehrstühle für die Geschichte der Pädagogik, die Gründung von Fachzeitschriften und die Organisation von Fachkongressen – vor allem seit den 1960er Jahren. Diese Prozesse verstärkten sich dann in den letzten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts, und führten zu einer «erstaunliche(n) Karriere» (Tenorth 1996, S. 343). Das Forschungsfeld der neuen wissenschaftlich anerkannten Teildisziplin wurde erweitert, und es entstanden überaus produktive interdisziplinare Verbindungen. Seit dieser Zeit wurden neue bzw. erneuerte Zeitschriften gegründet (z.B. seit 1961 History of Education Quarterly, seit 1972 History of Education in England, seit 1978, Histoire de l'éducation, seit 1990 in neuer Serie Paedagogica Historica in Belgien, in Deutschland seit 1993 Das Jahrbuch für historische Bildungsforschung, seit 1994 in der Schweiz die Zeitschrift für Pädagogische Historiographie), und ein reiches internationales Konferenzleben entstand (am wichtigsten seit 1978 die International Standing Conference for the History of Education). Das Forschungsfeld wurde methodisch wie konzeptionell fest etabliert, die Forschungen der historischen Pädagogik in den einzelnen Länder (insbesondere in Belgien, Deutschland, der Schweiz, Österreich, Frankreich, Italien, Spanien, Portugal) wurden von den nationalen Forschungsfonds gefördert, und die Erträge der Forschungen wurden in zahlreichen Monographien, Hand- und Lehrbüchern und in Zeitschriftsbeiträgen dokumentiert (Vgl. Heinemann, 1979; Wolff, 1986; Fuchs, 2010, S. 703.; Tenorth, 1996, S. 344; Tenorth, 2010, S. 135-136). Wenn man die Verbreitung dieser Tendenzen nach Osten hin überblickt, kann man leicht erkennen, dass die osteuropäische Lage vor 1989 als ein Spezialfall zu betrachten ist. Bis zu dieser Zeit herrschte im gesamten Ostblock, und so auch in Ungarn, eine monolitische marxistisch-leninistische Interpretation auch in der Erziehungswissenschaft bzw. in ihrer Teildisziplin, in der sogenannten sozialistischen Erziehungsgeschichte, die theoretisch wie auch metodologisch an diesen Rahmen gebunden und so von den westlichen Entwicklungslinien fast völlig abgeschottet war. In Ungarn gelang eine nennenswerte Ausweitung der neuen wissenschaftlichen Gesichtspunkte erst in den 1980er Jahren, und zwar nach der Milderung des politischen Drucks des Kadar-Regimes. Erst nach der Wende begann eine wirklich neue Epoche, in der die historische Pädagogik auch in Ungarn einen wichtigen Platz in der akademischen Lehre einzunehmen begann, insbesondere in der Lehrerbildung. Unser Beitrag verfolgt zwei Ziele: Einerseits geht es darum, einen Überblick über die ungarische historische Pädagogik in ihrer Geschichte, ihrem internationalen 26/2. oldal 26/3. oldal 87 Die historische Pädagogik in Ungarn. Geschichte und heutiger Stand Espacio, Tiempo y Educación, v. 3, n. 1, January-July 2016, pp. 85-110. ISSN: 2340-7263 Kontext und die Rezeptionstendenzen zu geben, andererseits einen Einblick in die unterschiedlichen aktuellen Perspektiven dieser Teildisziplin zu vermitteln. Daraus ergibt sich folgender Aufbau: in einem historischen Kapitel werden die zentralen Etappen mit ihren jeweiligen Hauptakteuren und deren grundlegende Werke vorgestellt. So kann aufgezeigt werden, dass die ungarische Geschichte der pädagogischen Historiographie eine Rezeptionsgeschichte vor allem deutscher Entwicklungen beinhaltet, die aber zugleich als eine kreative Adaptationsleistung anzusehen ist. Die Entwicklung nach der Wende 1989 und der heutige Stand wird dann detailliert im darauf folgenden Abschnitt dargestellt. Darin werden die aktuellen Tendenzen mit ihren institutionellen Kontexten und ihren Richtungen in Verbindung mit den grundlegenden theoretisch-methodischen Debatten aufgezeigt, durch die sich die historische Pädagogik in den letzten 20 Jahren und in der Gegenwart als ein anerkannter Bereich der ungarischen Erziehungswissenschaft etablieren konnte. Ihre nun auch internationale Bedeutung zeigt sich darin, dass sie mit zahlreichen Werken und Forschern thematisch vielfältig und erfolgreich in die internationale Forschungslandschaft integriert ist. 2. Kurze Historiographie der Erziehungsgeschichte in Ungarn – von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zur Wende 1989 Der historische Gesichtspunkt hat in der wissenschaftlichen Pädagogik vor allem in Deutschland eine seit dem 18. Jahrhundert andauernde Tradition. Nach diesen Vorbildern wurde die Erziehungsgeschichte in ganz Mitteleuropa rezipiert, so auch in Ungarn. Erziehungsgeschichte wurde schon im 19. Jahrhundert zum grundlegenden Lehrfach in der Lehrerbildung und parallel dazu zu einem Teilgebiet der in dieser Zeit schon selbständigen theoretischen Pädagogik. Der Ausbau des Schulwesens und mit diesem der Ausbau der Lehrerbildung sowie die Anfänge der Etablierung der Pädagogik als Universitätsdisziplin – diese beiden Faktoren können als die wichtigsten Faktoren der in Frage stehenden Entwickung angesehen werden. Dieser Prozess vollzieht sich seit etwa dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zur Wende zum 20. Jahrhundert in den verschiedenen Regionen Europas mit einer gewissen zeitlichen Verschiebung parallel zur Entstehung der modernen Nationalstaaten. Die neuen Wissenschaften haben den Schulkanon der höheren und dann auch der elementaren Bildung mitgeformt. Allmählich und bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts setzte sich die Form eines sekularen Schulwesens durch. Das grundlegende länderspezifische Merkmal der ungarischen Entwicklung bestand darin, dass die Entfaltung des modernen nationalen Schulwesens seit dem 18. Jahrhundert parallel mit der Entwicklung des österreichischen Bildungswesen stattfand. Die Ursprünge der Gemeinsamkeiten in der Schulentwicklung beider 26/3. oldal 26/4. oldal 26/1 65 Társítás András Németh (andrasnemeth0@gmail.com) 65 megjelenítése.

Kate Chopin's female protagonists have long since fascinated literary critics, raising serious questions concerning the influence of nineteenth-century female gender roles in her writing. Published in 1899, The Awakening demonstrates the changeability of the various representations of woman. In the nineteenth century, the subject of women may be divided into two categories: the True Woman and the New Woman. The former were expected to "cherish and maintain the four cardinal virtues of piety, purity, submissiveness and domesticity" (Khoshnood et al.), while the latter sought to move away from hearth and home in order to focus on education, professions, and political and/or social reform. Both categories of women point to the socially constructed ideas surrounding femininity in the late nineteenth century. In her highly influential work Gender Trouble, Judith Butler argues: The very subject of woman is no longer understood in stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of "the subject" as the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. (2) The Awakening coincided with a proliferation of magazines that helped craft and define the social roles and expectations of the nineteenth-century woman. However, since the subject of woman does not signify one common identity, issues concerning differences in religion, class, and ethnicity arise, resulting in exclusionary practices within nineteenth-century society. The problem with endeavoring to construct the True Woman or the New Woman lies in the inability to negotiate these multiple intersecting identities, and in the failure to combine them into one unifying concept. Thus far, critics remain divided when it comes to Edna Pontellier's "awakening;" however the general consensus views her suicide as a failure to conform to either the True Woman or the New Woman identity. One critic argues that the "hegemonic institutions of the nineteenth century required women to be objects in marriage and in motherhood…with little opportunity for individuality" (Gray 53)1. However, while it is true that opportunities for women were limited in the nineteenth century, the emergence of the New Woman, an identity that manifested itself through the development of women's social clubs, the creation of ladies' magazines, etc., gave women the ability to step outside of traditional domestic roles. Edna, in an attempt to experiment with the roles of both the True Woman and the New Woman (the former embodied by Adèle Ratignolle, the latter by Mademoiselle Reisz), does not fit into either category. Nevertheless, this is not due to a failure on her part to conform. It is instead a triumph in that, right before her death, she eventually manages to live outside of the power structures that exist in order to shape and restrict female identity. Another critic explains that the novella is not simply about repression, but is instead: a novel about a woman whose shaping culture has, in general, refused her right to speak out freely; this is, moreover, a culture that construes a woman's self-expression as a violation of sexual "purity" and a culture that has denied the existence of women's libidinous potential altogether—has eliminated the very concept of sexual passion for "normal" women. (Wolff 6)2 While it is true that nineteenth-century American women were not permitted to express their sexuality (nor was it believed that they possessed sexuality at all), they did hold the right to speak out freely against fictitious gender roles and sexist male ideology in women's magazines and journals. Wolff's argument, however, implies the existence of a "normal" woman, or a common subject that denotes "woman." Finally, another critic posits that Edna's death at the end of the novella serves as an "example of what can happen to a protagonist whose unwillingness to continue dedicating herself to any of the available social roles leads her to abandon all of them in favor of an…elusive freedom [associated] with…idyllic childhood" (Ramos 147)3. While Ramos sees Edna's unwillingness to dedicate herself to any of the available nineteenth-century social roles because she favors the idea of freedom associated with a so-called "idyllic childhood," it is far more likely that her inability to conform to a socially constructed female identity (be it the identity of the True Woman or the New Woman) stems from the impossibility of overcoming religious, class, and ethnic barriers. This thesis will argue that while articles and images published in magazines and journals during the late nineteenth century, such as Ladies' Home Journal, The Delineator, and the North American Review, helped produce the "cultural values and ideals against which…Edna Pontellier was measured and found wanting" (Walker 140), the social constructions of the True Woman and of the New Woman were still restrictive despite their seemingly opposite ideologies. Furthermore, Edna's suicide did not indicate a failure on her part to conform to one identity or another. Instead, Edna triumphs at the end of the novella through her dismissal of either constructed female identity. Though her religious background, class, ethnicity, and sexuality precluded the possibility of her ever coming to embody the morals of the True Woman, as Adèle Ratignolle does, and though she never quite manages to succeed in becoming a New Woman, like Mademoiselle Reisz, Edna transcends these limiting categories of woman, eventually freeing herself from oppression in the final moments before her implied death. Like the contrasting identities, the setting of the novella is divided: the first half takes place in Grand Isle, where Edna befriends Adèle Ratignolle, the exemplary True Woman. The second half traces Edna's friendship with Mademoiselle Reisz—a spinster, though a fiercely self-sufficient New Woman—along with her attempts at becoming independent. Even the novel itself, with its interesting split in representation of women causes the reader to ask: is this a New Woman novel or a True woman novel? Did Chopin mean it to be one or the other? Did she simply intend to write a study of women in her era? Or is it an examination of an empty marriage?

Burden of AMR Collaborative Group:National Institute of Health Dr Ricardo Jorge, Lisbon, Portugal (Prof M Caniça PhD, Vera Manageiro PhD) ; Free PMC Article: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6300481/ ; Background: Infections due to antibiotic-resistant bacteria are threatening modern health care. However, estimating their incidence, complications, and attributable mortality is challenging. We aimed to estimate the burden of infections caused by antibiotic-resistant bacteria of public health concern in countries of the EU and European Economic Area (EEA) in 2015, measured in number of cases, attributable deaths, and disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs). Methods: We estimated the incidence of infections with 16 antibiotic resistance–bacterium combinations from European Antimicrobial Resistance Surveillance Network (EARS-Net) 2015 data that was country-corrected for population coverage. We multiplied the number of bloodstream infections (BSIs) by a conversion factor derived from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control point prevalence survey of health-care-associated infections in European acute care hospitals in 2011–12 to estimate the number of non-BSIs. We developed disease outcome models for five types of infection on the basis of systematic reviews of the literature. Findings: From EARS-Net data collected between Jan 1, 2015, and Dec 31, 2015, we estimated 671 689 (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 583 148–763 966) infections with antibiotic-resistant bacteria, of which 63·5% (426 277 of 671 689) were associated with health care. These infections accounted for an estimated 33 110 (28 480–38 430) attributable deaths and 874 541 (768 837–989 068) DALYs. The burden for the EU and EEA was highest in infants (aged <1 year) and people aged 65 years or older, had increased since 2007, and was highest in Italy and Greece. Interpretation: Our results present the health burden of five types of infection with antibiotic-resistant bacteria expressed, for the first time, in DALYs. The estimated burden of infections with antibiotic-resistant bacteria in the EU and EEA is substantial compared with that of other infectious diseases, and has increased since 2007. Our burden estimates provide useful information for public health decision-makers prioritising interventions for infectious diseases. ; European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The article takes stock of the historical development of the notion of the right of a people to self-determination in international law. It provides a coherent review of the main international treaties, customary rules, and legal rulings that shaped the evolution of the term over the course of the twentieth century. In doing so, it focuses on the main historical and political events, which had an impact on that process as well as the preconditions that have to be met in order for a people to have the legal capacity to execute the right to self-determination. Three main processes, which it focuses on are: decolonization, the establishment of a number of new countries following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the recent developments following ICJ's Advisory Opinion on Accordance with International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Respect of Kosovo. It also delineates the subject of the legal definition of a "people" as opposed to a "minority", describes the legal tension between the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial continuity in international law, and discusses potential further development of the term. ; pawelchamiercieminski@gmail.com ; Paweł von Chamier Cieminski – PhD student in law at the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw (Poland). His main area of research is international law, in particular the right to self-determination and the legal status of international electronic interferences. ; University of Warsaw, Poland ; Advisory Opinion of the ICJ on the case of accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo, 2010, Rep. 2010. ; Advisory Opinion of the ICJ on the case of Legal Consequences of the Construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, 2004. ; Advisory Opinion of the ICJ on the case of Western Sahara, 1975. ; Antonowicz L., O zmianach mapy politycznej świata w XX w. (kilka uwag ze stanowiska prawa międzynarodowego), Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 19, Lublin 2013. ; Antonowicz L., Rzecz o państwach i prawie międzynarodowym, Lublin 2012. ; Antonowicz L., Zagadnienie podmiotowości prawa międzynarodowego, "Annales UMCS" 1998, Vol. XLV. ; Appendix: Opinions of the Arbitration Committee of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia, Council of Ministers of the European Economic Community, 11 January 1992. ; Augestad Knudsen R., Moments of self-determination: the concept of 'self-determination' and the idea of freedom in 20th- and 21st century international discourse. 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Since September 2012, over 90 cases of respiratory disease caused by a novel coronavirus, now named Middle East respiratory syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV), have been reported in the Middle East and Europe. To ascertain the capabilities and testing experience of national reference laboratories across the World Health Organization (WHO) European Region to detect this virus, the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) and the WHO Regional Office for Europe conducted a joint survey in November 2012 and a follow-up survey in June 2013. In 2013, 29 of 52 responding WHO European Region countries and 24 of 31 countries of the European Union/European Economic Area (EU/EEA) had laboratory capabilities to detect and confirm MERS-CoV cases, compared with 22 of 46 and 18 of 30 countries, respectively, in 2012. By June 2013, more than 2,300 patients had been tested in 23 countries in the WHO European Region with nine laboratory-confirmed MERS-CoV cases. These data indicate that the Region has developed significant capability to detect this emerging virus in accordance with WHO and ECDC guidance. However, not all countries had developed capabilities, and the needs to do so should be addressed. This includes enhancing collaborations between countries to ensure diagnostic capabilities for surveillance of MERS-CoV infections across the European Region. ; peer-reviewed

Introduction: Distributed Research Infrastructures are becoming increasingly more salient as science expands and universities continue to look for new means to cooperate and share expertise and expenses on large-scale projects. One area which has seen much development in recent years is biobanking, as there have been numerous attempts to harmonise the different biobanking standards over the years, none of which have been entirely successful. BBMRI.se was an EU-initiative that sought to harmonise the biobanks nationwide. BBMRI.se, was thus selected as a case for studying how a distributed Research Infrastructure was set up. At the time of its creation, the organisation constituted the largest investment ever made by the Swedish Research Council in a medical Research Infrastructure. The organisation involved all Swedish universities with a medical faculty, in addition to two other universities. However, the organisation was marred by a number of controversies and would eventually fold in 2018. Aim: This dissertation is to elucidate the mechanisms involved in the construction of a medical large-scale distributed Research Infrastructure, and to understand the motivations and rationale of the experts who activate themselves in constructing it. Thus, the overall aim of this doctoral thesis is to identify the benefits and constraints of forming a large-scale medical, distributed Research Infrastructure. Specifically, this dissertation looks at a real-life case while comparing it to the available literature covering the development of Research Infrastructures as well as some of the theories covering mindsharing and collective entrepreneurship. The ambition is to contribute knowledge on the determining factors in bringing a large-scale infrastructure together as well as the risks associated with it. Hence, this dissertation asks the following research question: What are the principal lessons for researchers, entrepreneurs and funders that can be inferred from the formation of a large-scale distributed Research Infrastructure towards securing more sustainable prospects for similar, future endeavours? More precisely, this dissertation seeks to determine what the most debated topics are within the academic discourse on Research Infrastructures (study I), after which it looks at the factors involved in constructing shaping a distributed Research Infrastructure (study II). The study then endeavours to looks at some of the pitfalls and how managerial self-governance affects organisational failure (study III). The study then seeks to investigate the mind-set of the managers/pioneers involved in setting up BBMRI.se and if they perceive the organisation in a similar fashion for the other managers (study IV) and how they have reasoned behind their motivations for joining the initiative in the first place (study V). The overall results have endeavoured to elucidate what components are at work when forming such an infrastructure at an organisational level, but also to understand the reasoning and motivation that the individuals responsible in setting up the infrastructure might have had, and how their visions and/or actions may have impacted on the organisation. Method: Some various designs and data collection methods were used in this dissertation. Study I was a literature study carried out as a narrative review using the PRISMA statements as a guideline. Both the Web of Science (WOS) and PubMed databases were scoured for articles. Study II-V used qualitative, semi-structured interviews with BBMRI.se managers. All of these studies took on the form of iterative, directed content analyses, with the exception of study III, which was an inductive, directed content analysis. Results: Study I found that the most commonly discussed topics concerned the need for developing and expanding the use of "infrastructures". The findings indicated that the future of scientific research calls for a deeper and more widespread multidisciplinary forms of collaboration. Study II found that it is crucial to identify the potential collaborative and deliberative organisational elements of organisational team building already at the outset of establishing a distributed Research Infrastructure. The study also found that, contrary to suggestions of extant literature, the establishment of a distributed Research Infrastructure does not necessarily counteract organisational fragmentation. Study III identified that an organisation with high levels of task uncertainty and low levels of organisational integration will suffer from organisational fragmentation. The type of fragmentation manifested in BBMRI.se is best identified as a "fragmented adhocracy". This means that the organisation's mission statement is subject to diverse views, leading to goals that are separate, unstable and sometimes even conflicting, while also lacking in co-ordination. The study also found that the organisation lacked a "liaison device" and instead depended on a more traditional model of planning and control systems through its reliance on strategy documents and interim evaluation reports. This was in spite of the fact that this model is better suited for a more vertical organisational structure. Study IV investigated how managers/associates of BBMRI.se perceived the organisation's brand and the role of "mindsharing". The results showed that mindsharing occurred throughout the initial two stages ("Brand Strategic Analysis" and "Brand Identity"), but would disspate throughout the remaining two final stages ("Brand Operationalising", and "Post Implementation Reflections"). This resulted in a fragmented brand perception, which resulted in the failure of generating a "pull-effect" for the BBMRI.se brand. Study V looked at how collective entrepreneurial team cognition of the instigators behind BBMRI.se changes throughout the process of establishing the organisation. The study devised a new "action phase model", known as the "4 I's" of entrepreneurship, where each "I" elaborated on the entrepreneurial rationale behind the various stages of the creation process. These were "Intention", "Initiation", "Implementation" and "Introspection". The results illustrated that the respondents agreed that there was a need for BBMRI.se, while disagreeing on what the organisation should be doing and what its challenges consisted of. The homogenous mind-set would begin to dissipate once the "Initiation" stage was reached, declining further throughout the Implementation stage. Conclusion: The overall conclusions from study I-V have shown that distributed Research Infrastructures carries potential to form a platform to pool scientific research in the face of the ever-expanding sciences, where the demands of co-financing and scientific co-operation are becoming ever so pressing. In addition, distributed Research Infrastructures have the benefit of utilising initial synergy effects and using multidisciplinary teams. In line with the contention of Gibbons et al. (1994), this carries the potential of opening up new possibilities of scientific knowledge production. Provided there is a political incentive in place to allocate the necessary funding, the process of establishing a distributed Research Infrastructure can be done in a considerably swift timespan. However, there are several inherent risks. Most notably, there was a lack of "infrastructuring", as defined by Star and Bowker (2002). This means that scientists as well as the policy- makers should gradually learn together through a learning process about how to creating an effective large-scale infrastructure. This may have prevented mindsharing from becoming consolidated throughout the formation process (Aaker, 1996; Acuña, 2012; Azevedo, 2005; J. Griffin, 2009; Holt, 2016; Krishnan, Sullivan, Groza, & Aurand, 2013; Stevens, 2003). This, in turn, would also put an end to the collective entrepreneurship that had up till that point characterised BBMRI.se, in which the motivations and drivers of the initiators/managers, as well as their respective recollections of the same, were instrumental features (Cardon, Post, & Forster, 2017; Czarniawska-Joerges & Wolff, 1991; Sakhdari, 2016). Moreover, the integration of autonomous "National Champions" (leading scientists within their field) carries a risk of the "principal-agent" problem, which in turn can lead to "moral hazard" as the "National Champion(s)" may elect to undertake added risks, since someone else bears the cost of those risks (Holmstrom, 1982; Laffont & Martimort, 2002; Steets, 2010). There is also an over- whelming risk of organisational fragmentation, which, coupled with managerial neglect, may cause the eventual failure of the organisation.

The fourth edition of Community Organizing and Community Building for Health and Social Equity provides both classic and recent contributions to the field, with a special accent on how these approaches can contribute to health and social equity. The 23 chapters offer conceptual frameworks, skill- building and case studies in areas like coalition building, organizing by and with women of color, community assessment, and the power of the arts, the Internet, social media, and policy and media advocacy in such work. The use of participatory evaluation and strategies and tips on fundraising for community organizing also are presented, as are the ethical challenges that can arise in this work, and helpful tools for anticipating and addressing them. Also included are study questions for use in the classroom. Many of the book's contributors are leaders in their academic fields, from public health and social work, to community psychology and urban and regional planning, and to social and political science. One author was the 44th president of the United States, himself a former community organizer in Chicago, who reflects on his earlier vocation and its importance. Other contributors are inspiring community leaders whose work on-the-ground and in partnership with us "outsiders" highlights both the power of collaboration, and the cultural humility and other skills required to do it well. Throughout this book, and particularly in the case studies and examples shared, the role of context is critical, and never far from view. Included here most recently are the horrific and continuing toll of the COVID-19 pandemic, and a long overdue, yet still greatly circumscribed, "national reckoning with systemic racism," in the aftermath of the brutal police killing of yet another unarmed Black person, and then another and another, seemingly without end. In many chapters, the authors highlight different facets of the Black Lives Matter movement that took on new life across the country and the world in response to these atrocities. In other chapters, the existential threat of climate change and grave threats to democracy also are underscored. View the Table of Contents and introductory text for the supplementary instructor resources. (https://d3tto5i5w9ogdd.cloudfront.net/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/04143046/9781978832176_optimized_sampler.pdf) Supplementary instructor resources are available on request: https://www.rutgersuniversitypress.org/communityorganizing

Introduction: The German PID-NET registry was founded in 2009, serving as the first national registry of patients with primary immunodeficiencies (PID) in Germany. It is part of the European Society for Immunodeficiencies (ESID) registry. The primary purpose of the registry is to gather data on the epidemiology, diagnostic delay, diagnosis, and treatment of PIDs. Methods: Clinical and laboratory data was collected from 2,453 patients from 36 German PID centres in an online registry. Data was analysed with the software Stata® and Excel. Results: The minimum prevalence of PID in Germany is 2.72 per 100,000 inhabitants. Among patients aged 1–25, there was a clear predominance of males. The median age of living patients ranged between 7 and 40 years, depending on the respective PID. Predominantly antibody disorders were the most prevalent group with 57% of all 2,453 PID patients (including 728 CVID patients). A gene defect was identified in 36% of patients. Familial cases were observed in 21% of patients. The age of onset for presenting symptoms ranged from birth to late adulthood (range 0–88 years). Presenting symptoms comprised infections (74%) and immune dysregulation (22%). Ninety-three patients were diagnosed without prior clinical symptoms. Regarding the general and clinical diagnostic delay, no PID had undergone a slight decrease within the last decade. However, both, SCID and hyper IgE- syndrome showed a substantial improvement in shortening the time between onset of symptoms and genetic diagnosis. Regarding treatment, 49% of all patients received immunoglobulin G (IgG) substitution (70%—subcutaneous; 29%—intravenous; 1%—unknown). Three-hundred patients underwent at least one hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT). Five patients had gene therapy. Conclusion: The German PID-NET registry is a precious tool for physicians, researchers, the pharmaceutical industry, politicians, and ultimately the patients, for whom the outcomes will eventually lead to a more timely diagnosis and better treatment.

Curriculum material is generally considered the subject matter of information, talents, dispositions, understandings, and principles that make up research programs in the field. At a more complex level, the curricula need to contain historical and socio-political strengths, traditions, cultural views, and goals with wide differences in sovereignty, adaptation, and local understanding that encompass a diversity of cultures, laws, metaphysics, and political discourse This study aims to develop a curriculum with local content as a new approach in early childhood science learning. The Local Content Curriculum (LCC) is compiled and developed to preserve the uniqueness of local culture, natural environment, and community crafts for early childhood teachers so that they can introduce local content to early childhood. Research and model development combines the design of the Dick-Carey and Dabbagh models with qualitative and quantitative descriptive analysis. The results showed that local content curriculum products can be supplemented into early childhood curricula in institutions according to local conditions. Curricula with local content can be used as a reinforcement for the introduction of science in early childhood. The research implication demands the concern of all stakeholders to see that the introduction of local content is very important to be given from an early age, so that children know, get used to, like, maintain, and love local wealth from an early age. Keywords: Early Childhood, Scientific Learning, Local Content Curriculum Model References: Agustin, R. S., & Puro, S. (2015). Strategy Of Curriculum Development Based On Project Based Learning (Case Study: SMAN 1 Tanta Tanjung Tabalong South Of Kalimantan ) Halaman : Prosiding Ictte Fkip Uns, 1, 202–206. Agustina, N. Q., & Mukhtaruddin, F. (2019). The Cipp Model-Based Evaluation on Integrated English Learning (IEL) Program at Language Center. 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Introduction: The German PID-NET registry was founded in 2009, serving as the first national registry of patients with primary immunodeficiencies (PID) in Germany. It is part of the European Society for Immunodeficiencies (ESID) registry. The primary purpose of the registry is to gather data on the epidemiology, diagnostic delay, diagnosis, and treatment of PIDs. Methods: Clinical and laboratory data was collected from 2,453 patients from 36 German PID centres in an online registry. Data was analysed with the software Stata((R)) and Excel. Results: The minimum prevalence of PID in Germany is 2.72 per 100,000 inhabitants. Among patients aged 1-25, there was a clear predominance of males. The median age of living patients ranged between 7 and 40 years, depending on the respective PID. Predominantly antibody disorders were the most prevalent group with 57% of all 2,453 PID patients (including 728 CVID patients). A gene defect was identified in 36% of patients. Familial cases were observed in 21% of patients. The age of onset for presenting symptoms ranged from birth to late adulthood (range 0-88 years). Presenting symptoms comprised infections (74%) and immune dysregulation (22%). Ninety-three patients were diagnosed without prior clinical symptoms. Regarding the general and clinical diagnostic delay, no PID had undergone a slight decrease within the last decade. However, both, SCID and hyper IgE-syndrome showed a substantial improvement in shortening the time between onset of symptoms and genetic diagnosis. Regarding treatment, 49% of all patients received immunoglobulin G (IgG) substitution (70%-subcutaneous; 29%-intravenous; 1%-unknown). Three-hundred patients underwent at least one hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT). Five patients had gene therapy. Conclusion: The German PID-NET registry is a precious tool for physicians, researchers, the pharmaceutical industry, politicians, and ultimately the patients, for whom the outcomes will eventually lead to a more timely diagnosis and better treatment.

"From the law of nature then which may also be called the law of nations, it is evident that all kinds of war are not to be condemned" Hugo Grocio Desde la caída de las torres gemelas, de la invasión de Afganistán y de la subsiguiente guerra de Irak, el tema de la guerra ha vuelto a irrumpir en el escenario internacional. Mucho se discute sobre la legalidad o no de esas guerras y sobre su conveniencia o no desde una óptica más política. Pero la pertinencia o no de una determinada guerra no sólo se puede juzgar desde el punto de vista legal o político. También puede hacérselo desde una perspectiva ética. Eso es, muy apretadamente, lo que propone la teoría de la guerra justa al intentar dilucidar cuándo una guerra es moralmente justificable y cuándo no. No obstante, y si bien esta teoría se mueve primordialmente en el campo ético, vale decir que ha tenido, desde siempre, una clarísima vocación jurídica y política: más drásticamente, dicha aspiración es la razón misma de su militancia. Breve historia de la teoría Si bien existen ciertos rudimentos de la teoría de la guerra justa en la Antigüedad (concretamente en la obra de Aristóteles) podemos decir que la misma surge muy tempranamente en la Edad Media, como producto de la síntesis entre la tradición romana y la cultura cristiana. El que hace esa operación, en el siglo IV, es San Agustín quien negando el rotundo pacifismo que profesaba el cristianismo primitivo, señaló que la guerra era permisible si era justa. Sería Santo Tomás de Aquino quien se haría del legado de la teoría agustiniana de la guerra justa. Este teólogo aclaró ciertos puntos de la misma y la actualizó, convirtiéndose así en el precursor de lo que sería posteriormente la teoría de la guerra justa moderna. En efecto, la Modernidad habría de re-trabajar los principios heredados de la filosofía escolástica de los siglos XV y XVI y, a través del método racional, presentaría una nueva doctrina para el siglo XVII, esta vez, con ropaje secular. Las piezas claves en esa transición fueron Hugo Grocio, Samuel Puffendorf y Christian Wolff. Sin embargo, la doctrina sufriría un contundente impasse para el siglo XIX como producto del auge de las teorías belicistas. La Primera Guerra Mundial le daría a la teoría de la guerra justa una nueva oportunidad para reflorecer; y así fue. No obstante, esa reaparición fue bastante breve y luego de la Segunda Guerra la bellum justum quedaría otra vez eclipsada, esta vez, no por teorías belicistas sino por doctrinas pacifistas. Recién en las últimas décadas, la guerra justa ha experimentado un nuevo renacer, propiciado tanto por la aparición de una nueva "camada" de autores que abogan por ella (los casos de John Rawls y de Michael Walzer son los más importantes) como por las recientes conflagraciones bélicas, ya mencionadas. Algunos de los principios que se presentarán a continuación provienen de esa teorización contemporánea. ¿Qué es la guerra justa? En un primer acercamiento, y retomando lo que decíamos en la entrega pasada, la teoría de la guerra justa es una especie de "limbo" que equidista de la idealidad del pacifismo más utópico como de la crudeza del realismo más maquiavélico. Como reza al inicio de este artículo el párrafo de Hugo Grocio, para esta concepción no todas las guerras deben ser condenadas de antemano, digamos, a priori. En principio, la guerra no es muy distinta de cualquier otro acto humano pasible de juicio moral. Por ello, hay que tener en cuenta tanto el contexto y las situaciones en las que se enmarca una guerra así como también los fines, las motivaciones y los deseos que le dan impulso. En realidad, el esfuerzo de esta escuela, y es allí donde radica la originalidad y donde se muestra la personalidad particular de cada autor, está dirigido a establecer ciertos criterios abstractos y simples que permitan distinguir fácilmente a una guerra justa de una injusta. Pero, ¿cuáles son esos criterios? Los criterios se pueden dividir en tres subgrupos que, aunque experimentan variaciones dependiendo del autor, constituyen el núcleo duro de la teoría. Por un lado tenemos el ius ad bellum, es decir, los criterios que regulan el derecho a recurrir a la guerra. Por otro está el ius in bello, que regula el desarrollo de la guerra. Y, por último, el ius post bellum, que regula todo lo que tiene que ver con el final de la guerra. Para que una guerra sea completamente justa debe cumplir con esos tres grupos de criterios. Aún cuando una guerra cumpla perfectamente con el ius ad bellum, puede suceder que ésta sea injusta sino respeta las demás disposiciones del ius in bello y el ius post bellum. El ius ad bellum nos señala que el Estado puede apelar a la guerra sólo cuando tiene ciertas razones para hacerlo; esto es, cuando cuenta con causa justas (iusta causa). Entre las más importantes iustae causae se encuentran la legítima defensa externa, la defensa de otros que están siendo agredidos, el castigo por algún agravio (sea cometido a un Estado en particular o la Comunidad Internacional toda), la protección de inocentes de regímenes infames, etc. Además, la causa justa debe ser siempre complementada con una apropiada intención. Es decir, el deseo de expansión territorial, de venganza, etc. no deben ser los que enciendan la guerra, aún cuando se tenga una causa justa para comenzarla. Por otro lado, esta teoría sostiene que la guerra debe ser declarada por una autoridad legítima y dada a conocer públicamente. Además, la guerra no sólo será el último recurso a utilizar (es decir que se debieron haber agotado antes todas las demás vías pacíficas) sino que también debe tener una amplía posibilidad de éxito: ¿para qué comenzar una guerra que se sabe que fracasará? ¿Cuál es el sentido de aumentar las pérdidas cuando seguro se perderá? En este punto, como en el de proporcionalidad (que postula que la guerra debe corresponder con un acto igualmente importante), se nota claramente que el acento de esta teoría está puesto en alcanzar, efectivamente, la justicia. Si se tiene la certeza de que no se logrará, entonces, la guerra es un recurso fútil: es mejor dejar las cosas como están. En ese sentido, la bellum justum puede ser concebida (y en la medida en que esta teoría se vuelve imperativo jurídico) como una suerte de mecanismo legal que permite la realización del Derecho, esto es, la restauración de la justicia en el ámbito internacional: el Derecho es el fin, la guerra el medio. La injusticia es la enfermedad, la guerra justa es el amargo remedio que le pone fin. De ese modo, la guerra es equiparable, como dice Bobbio, con un procedimiento judicial que, en ausencia de una entidad supranacional reguladora, el Estado está habilitado a poner en marcha siempre que cumpla con las normas de ius ad bellum y esté dispuesto a respetar el ius in bello y el ius post bellum. Así, el Derecho Internacional no es sólo un Derecho de paz (jure pacis) sino también un Derecho de guerra (jure belli). Éste convive con la institución de la guerra: no se trata, pues, de prohibirla cuanto de regularla, de circunscribirla a un puñado de casos. Como señaláramos, la teoría de la guerra justa también prescribe ciertas normas para asegurar que el desarrollo de la guerra sea justo, el ius in bello. Muy someramente, se puede decir que éstos son la no utilización de armamento prohibido (armas nucleares, biológicas, etc.), el respeto por la población civil, la prohibición de efectuar represalias, etc. Resta por ver, entonces, el ius post bellum. Por un lado, éste exige que los tratados de paz que concluyen la guerra sean razonables a fin de evitar que pueda germinar cualquier sentimiento de venganza. Por otro lado, el acuerdo debe satisfacer reparar a la parte que fue transgredida y que disparó la guerra. ¿Paz o Justicia? Como se dijo al inicio de este artículo, la teoría de la guerra justa tiene un claro soporte ético. Éste se deja traslucir cuando advertimos que, en el fondo de la cuestión, lo que se discute es una elección entre dos valores distintos: la justicia o la paz. Es claro que la teoría que se presentó prefiere la justicia antes que la paz o, dicho de otra manera, opta siempre por una guerra justa que por una paz injusta. Esa aporía ética, que significa tener que decidir entre justicia o paz, era tal vez mucho más fácil de resolver en los tiempos de Grocio (y de ahí la relativa predominancia de la teoría en los siglos XVII Y XVIII), cuando los enfrentamientos bélicos no lograban amenazar con tragarse a la civilización entera. De allí que se eligiera la justicia en lugar de la paz. Pero a medida que la técnica moderna permitía el avance cada vez más acelerado de los armamentos y conforme el uso de la razón se volvía cada vez más instrumental, poniéndose así al servicio de la estrategia militar, la elección entre justicia o paz se hacía muchos menos evidente. La Primera Guerra Mundial significó el punto cúspide de esa difícil cuestión. Sin embargo, fue recién la Segunda Guerra Mundial la que finalmente decantó del lado de la paz: y cómo no hacerlo luego de Hiroshima y Nagasaki. En efecto, con el estallido de las bombas atómicas, se movieron los cimientos mismos de la teoría de la guerra justa: ¿es posible hacer justicia con un arma tan destructora? ¿En qué quedan la reparación y la proporcionalidad cuando la devastación absoluta es la consigna de este nuevo artefacto? Más aún, ¿no se pone en entredicho los mismísimos fundamentos de la guerra con semejante artilugio? Si la esencia de la guerra es la derrota del enemigo: ¿Quién gana y quién pierde en una guerra nuclear cuando el resultado final es la destrucción mutua? La única que pierde parece ser la humanidad toda. La cuestión ya no era más paz o justicia, ahora era mucho más simple: ¿paz o muerte? En esa nueva dicotomía justamente se moverá el pacifismo jurídico de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Puesto que el problema de la destrucción total sigue vigente, sólo es explicable la restauración contemporánea de la teoría de la guerra justa en el marco de una redefinición. De hecho, la idea de que una guerra sería injusta en sí misma si en ella se utilizarán armas biológicas o atómicas, es parte de esa reelaboración que la teoría debió realizar para lograr mantenerse vigente en este siglo XXI. Pero antes deberíamos preguntarnos cómo fue que se llegó, para el siglo XX, a una situación tal en la que todo parecía debatirse entre la paz o la muerte. El siglo XIX es el que guarda la respuesta. Las guerras napoleónicas, la reedición del maquiavelismo, la relativización o, peor aún, la reivindicación explícita de la guerra, a veces como una fuerza "divina" a veces como prueba de vitalidad de una nación, culminaron en una visión que estremecería al mundo con dos guerras mundiales: la guerra como acto de reafirmación soberana. La era de la guerra total se abría paso. De esta visión, nos ocuparemos en el siguiente artículo.* Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales. Depto de Estudios Internacionales. FACS - ORT Uruguay.