Suchergebnisse

[2], 11 [i.e. 21], [1] p. ; Written by Robert Beale. ; P. 20 and 21 misnumbered 14 and 11. ; Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

[70] p. : ill. ; By Philipp Melanchthon. ; I.G. = John Goodale. ; Imprint from colophon; suggested publication date and place of publication from STC. ; Signatures: A-D E⁴ (-E4). ; Formerly also STC 12005. ; Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library.

1 sheet ([1] p.). ; Contains wood-cut initial. ; "From Saynte James the xxii. of December 1556." ; "Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum." ; Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries.

[128] p. ; In verse. ; Printer's name and place of publication from colophon. ; Dedication dated 1574; printer's device at foot of colophon dated 1573. ; Signatures: A-Q⁴. ; Identified as STC 21120 on UMI microfilm reel 351. ; Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery and the British Library. ; Appears at reel 351 (Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery copy) and at reel 1840 (British Library copy).

[4], 30 leaves ; Dedication signed: William Blandy. ; Running title reads: The castle of pollicye. ; Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

[18], 50 leaves ; Actual printer's name from STC. ; Running title reads: Certen discourses, written by Sir Iohn Smythe, Knight. ; Quire (a) is two leaves; 21 authors cited on (a)2r; B1.4 is a cancel; catchword, B4r, "and". Variant: quire (a) is one leaf, with 18 authors cited; B1.4 are cancellanda, with B4r catchword "they". ; Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

This book looks at the interplay between criminal law and other branches of public law pursuing similar objectives (referred to as 'quasi-criminal law'). The need for clarifying the concepts and the interlink between criminal and quasi-criminal enforcement is a topic attracting a lot of discussion and debate in both academia and practice across Europe (and beyond). This volume adds to this debate by bringing to light the substantive and procedural problems stemming from the current parallel or dual use of the different enforcement systems. The collection draws on expertise from academia, practice and policy; its high-quality analysis will appeal to scholars, practitioners and policymakers alike.

Securitization theory (ST) makes an insightful and significant contribution to security studies. Through the use of discursive speech act, ST provides an innovative strategy for understanding the application of security's distinctive character and dynamics to any issue in order to make it a security issue. Valuable as the theory is to security studies, the subaltern appear missing in existing securitization analyses. Even when the subaltern are examined, for instance in critiques of classical ST, they are conceived and presented as passive, lacking agency, voice, and power, and suffering from security silence problem. ST's reliance on discursive speech act and focus on state political elite prevent it from capturing the subaltern and subaltern securitization process. Furthermore, while existing ST and critiques of securitization studies offer some direction regarding how the subaltern actors may securitize threats to their security, these perspectives are incidental and grossly underdeveloped. In order to resolve this problem, the current study takes a novel approach to securitization studies by investigating how subaltern actors engage in securitizing discourses and practices. By combining the Fanonian decolonial theory of emancipatory violence, where the nature of the (post)colonial context becomes visible with the theoretical insights of ST, the study shows that the subaltern are able to securitize using protest and violence. The subaltern use protest and violence to show their perception and identification of security threats, mobilize the subaltern audience, and challenge and confront the threatening subject – often times, the subaltern's significant audience – to ensure that action is taken on issues concerning subaltern security. In addition to discourse, therefore, protest and violence serve as the subaltern's instruments of political communication used by the subaltern to move issues beyond normal to the point of extraordinary politics. Consequently, protest and violence can force audiences – including the common people and the political elite – to imagine threats to subaltern security, typically perceived but sometimes real, and accept subaltern securitization moves, and where possible take actions that may amount to an alteration or a change in the order of things. Such change may either be in favour of subaltern's perception of security or not. To uncover the essential dynamics of subaltern securitization, this study synthesizes a version of decolonial theory with elements of existing ST and focuses on the subaltern actors from below the state in Nigeria, a non-Western, postcolonial context. The results reveal that subaltern securitization is possible when members of the subaltern successfully mobilize themselves to collectively identify (real or perceived) threat to their security and in so doing challenging and confronting the threat. This makes their security concerns an issue of priority. The study concludes that desirable as subaltern securitization may be, especially to the subaltern, there is a tendency for subaltern securitization to obfuscate the danger that may lurk around subaltern's attempts to securitize certain issues.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is the top destination for Russian food exports, grains in particular. Focusing on Turkey, Egypt, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, this chapter shows that Russia's food trade with MENA countries is strongly affected by bilateral political relations. Russia banned most food imports from Turkey over a political conflict in 2016. In the same year, improved intergovernmental cooperation with Saudi Arabia resulted in a diversification of Russia's food exports to the Gulf country, and in 2019, Iran's accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) led to increasing food trade with Russia. Food imports in MENA countries are usually managed by powerful state trading enterprises (STEs), which recurrently disapprove food products originating from Russia based on non-adherence to food quality standards. Our analysis shows that Russia is successfully working to open additional destination markets, while simultaneously impeding imports of food products that it aims to produce domestically.

[4], C.lxxviij, C.lxxxj-C.xciij, C.xcv-CC.lx [i.e. 250], lix, [1], lxi, [1], CC.lxiij, [1] leaves ; By Edward Hall, whose name appears on [fleuron]2r. ; Continued from 1532 by Richard Grafton from Hall's notes. ; Printer's name from colophon. ; "The pitifull life of kyng Edward the. v.", "The politique gouernaunce of Kyng Henry the. vii.", and "The triumphaunt reigne of Kyng Henry the. VIII." (caption titles) each begin new foliation on AA1r, aaa1r, and AAa1r respectively. ; First series, leaf 250 misnumbered CC.lx. ; In the ideal configuration of this edition the second leaf is signed "[fleuron].ii."; third leaf verso mentions plans for the compilation of a table; fourth leaf recto has "Englishe writers."; in quires Aa-Rr most paragraphs begin with a word in roman type; remaining quires lack line numbers in inner margin. Originally issued without the tables. Copies containing sheets partly from other editions are matched to STC 12723a. For details of printing history see STC corrigendum to vol. 1, p. 557. ; Another state of the title page (STC 12721) has "strate . Yorke" (no comma) in line 3. ; Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

1 broadside. ; At head of title: Apud Falkland vltimo die men[?]s Iulij, anno. Dom. 1599. ; Formerly STC 21956.--Cf. STC (2nd ed.). ; Imperfect: creased and torn with loss of print. ; Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library.

Past research on foreign divestment has recognized the impact of economic and political differences1. However, the prior findings remain equivocal. We adopt the Positive Organizational Scholarship perspective to provide more contextualized insights into the effects of economic and political differences on foreign divestment. Specifically, we consider the juxtaposition of national differences and levels of firm interaction with the different contexts. Thus, we develop the concept of friction to assess levels of economic and political differences. We further argue that economic friction will have a curvilinear (U-shaped) effect on foreign divestment, whereas political friction will produce a monotonic (positive) effect. Moreover, we introduce ownership level as a moderator into the main hypotheses. Drawing on data from 2400 foreign subsidiaries of 310 Finnish multinational enterprises, from 1970–2010, we provide support for our main hypotheses, although the moderating effect of ownership levels is not supported. We further compare the effects of differences measured by friction with those measured by distance. Accordingly, our research highlights the importance of detecting specific conditions for the investigation of the impact of economic and political differences in the foreign divestment literature. ; © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Inc. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). ; fi=vertaisarvioitu|en=peerReviewed|

1 sheet ([1] p.). ; Contains historiated initial. ; "Geuen at our maner of Grenewych the thyrde day of Apryll." ; "Cum priuilegio." ; Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries.

[20], 72, [2] p. ; Dedication signed with pseudonym: Dena Kol. ; Translator's dedication signed with pseudonym: Philagathus. ; A translation, by Philagathus, of: Le sac & pieces pour le pape de Romme, ses cardinaux & evesques. ; Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

[48] p. ; In verse. ; Printer's name from STC. ; Signatures: A-C. ; Imperfect; stained and torn with some loss of print. ; Reproduction of the original in the British Library.