Suchergebnisse

Zaposlene žene sklonije su kompulzivnoj kupovini što može dovesti do značajnog povećanja izdataka za potrošnju kućanstava. U ovom radu istražuje se utjecaj promjene broja zaposlenih žena na potrošnju kućanstva po glavi stanovnika. Testira se hipoteza da promjena u broju zaposlenih žena ima značajan utjecaj na izdatke finalne potrošnje kućanstva per capita, zbog različitih sklonosti potrošnji, a provedena je empirijska analiza temeljena na skupu panel podataka 36 gospodarstava OECD-a u razdoblju 2000. – 2016. Rezultati pokazuju da promjena broja zaposlenih žena povećava rashode kućanstva per capita. Nadalje, rezultati impliciraju da životna dob zaposlenih žena ima vrlo značajnu ulogu u donošenju odluka o potrošnji što može dovesti do značajnih razlika u ukupnim izdacima potrošnje. Ovi rezultati ukazuju na važnost razumijevanja činjenice da promjena broja zaposlenih žena utječe i na planiranje ukupne potrošnje i formuliranje politika gospodarskog rasta. ; Working women have more compulsive buying tendencies which can lead to a significant increase in their household consumption expenditures. This study investigates the effects of changes in the number of working women on household per capita consumption. We test the hypothesis that changes in the number of working women have a discernible impact on household final per capita consumption expenditures, due to their differing consumption propensities, by doing an empirical analysis based on panel data set of 36 OECD economies within the period 2000-2016. The results indicate that changes in the number of working women increase the household per capita consumption expenditures. The result also implies that age plays a significant role in working women consumption decision making and may lead to significant differences in aggregate consumption expenditure. These findings suggest the importance of understanding changes in the number of working women in planning for aggregate consumption mobilization and in the formulation of aggregate growth policies.

The share of women among the total number of managers in Poland is one of the highest in the European Union. The surveys carried out on the initiative of the Warsaw Stock Exchange in 2009 and 2010 indicated that in capital market companies and stock market companies, the share of women in the executive suite of all levels exceeds the country's average. The conducted surveys confi rm the regularity that the higher the steps of the executive ladder are the lower shares constitute women - on the top executive positions men decidedly dominate, also in those companies where the feminization rate of their human resources is relatively high. Joint-venture companies distinguishes implementation of the solutions promoting women to the executive positions, but mainly on the intermediate level, despite the fact that the employed by them women usually have tertiary education. These companies seem to be introducing western practices to the Polish business reality, as they more often present the belief that employing women and ensuring equal chances for their promotion to the executive positions, is not only a manifestation of obedience of the anti-discrimination law, but it also generates benefi ts for the company - staff diversity facilitates higher effectiveness. The Stock Exchange that undergone an evident evolution in the area of equalising chances of women and promoting them to the executive suite, including the top management level positively stands out against the background of the surveyed companies. It provides an example of good practice in this fi eld. The WSE Board comprises equal numbers of women and men. In the special resolution of 19 May 2010, the WSE recommended to all public companies adoption of solutions targeted at ensuring equal shares of women and men on the top executive levels, as it is profi table for the company's development. The conducted surveys - which were precursory in Poland - examining the situation in public companies lead to conclusion that there are still too few of them that are ...

Rad nastoji problematizirati socijalno relevantno, ali politički zanemareno pitanje siromaštva među starijim ženama. Podatci pokazuju da je siromaštvo među ženama izazov za većinu zemalja članica Europske unije i izvan nje. Ipak, ono se ne može objasniti bez razumijevanja rodno specifičnog tijeka života žena. Razlike između starijih žena i muškaraca predočujemo prema riziku od siromaštva i uspoređujemo ih s onima u zemljama članicama EU-a. Rad se temelji na sekundarnim podatcima, tj. na Istraživanju dohotka i životnih uvjeta (EU SILC) koji omogućuju usporedbe između zemalja članica EU-a. Ustanovili smo da se rodna razlika u riziku od siromaštva povećava u starijoj dobi. Stopa rizika od siromaštva za žene mnogo je veća u Sloveniji nego u drugim zemljama članicama EUa. Razlika je posebno velika u dobnoj skupini žena starijih od 75 godina. Slovenija nije bila uspješna u rješavanju problema rizika od siromaštva jer nije uvela posebne mjere za smanjivanje općeg rizika od siromaštva i smanjivanje rodne razlike. ; This article aims to problematize a socially relevant, but politically overlooked issue of poverty among older women. Data show that poverty among women is a challenge for most EU countries and wider. However, it cannot be explained without understanding gender-specific life courses of women. We present the differences between older women and men in terms of the risk of poverty and compare them with those in EU countries. The article is based on secondary data, i.e. the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (EU SILC), which enable comparisons among EU countries. We have established that the gender gap in terms of risk of poverty widens in old age. The at-risk-of-poverty rate for women is much higher in Slovenia than in other EU states. The gap is especially large in the age group 75 and over. Slovenia has not been successful in coping with the risk of poverty problem, because it failed to introduce special measures to reduce the general risk of poverty and gender gap.

Over the last hundred years, there have been accomplished visible and beneficial to women changes related to equalization of their chances in the labour market. Thanks to feminist movements of the first and second wave women gained access to education and the right to vote, there was accomplished progress in women's access to the labour market, to business and managerial positions. The data for Poland show that contemporary women are better educated than men and have qualifications adequate for managerial positions at the top executive level - become owners of company or hold positions of presidents and general directors. There are increasingly more studies proving that gender diversity is profitable for companies, as it generates higher effectiveness due to higher efficiency and greater creativity of diversified teams. Facing radical demographic changes resulting with the lower number of successive generations entering the labour market, it is essential to take advantage of the potential of increasingly higher educated women and to treat them as the labour force resource equal to men (and not subordinate). Patriarchy as a social system where women play inferior roles to men is exhausting its significance and ceases to be justified, i.e. it does not facilitate socio-economic development or welfare of societies. It is being replaced with partnership of women and men both at work and in family. Transformation of patriarchy into partnership is a longstanding process, therefore, in order to accelerate it, there are implemented solutions in a form of quotas in politics and business which are actions of interim character - implemented for a determined period in order to achieve faster the goal which is obtaining gender balance in decision-making bodies. ; Na przestrzeni ostatnich stu lat dokonały się dostrzegalne i korzystne dla kobiet zmiany związane z wyrównywaniem ich szans na rynku pracy. Dzięki ruchom feministycznym pierwszej i drugiej fali kobiety uzyskały prawo do edukacji i prawa wyborcze, dokonał się postęp w ...

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.

Zsfassung in russ. u. engl. Sprache.

W oparciu o analizę dostępnych danych statystycznych prześledzone zostanie uczestnictwo kobiet w sprawowaniu władzy na szczeblu centralnym – zarówno ustawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej. Podjęta zostanie również próba wyjaśnienia dysproporcji pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami w sprawowaniu władzy i ewentualnych tego konsekwencji. Tak więc główne pytania badawcze zostały sformułowane w następujący sposób: Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej, czyli w Sejmie oraz w Senacie? Jaki jest udział kobiet w strukturach partii politycznych w Polsce? Ile kobiet pełni funkcje kierownicze w partiach politycznych? Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy wykonawczej w Polsce? Na czele jakich resortów kobiety stają najczęściej? Z czego wynika różnica w poziomie uczestnictwa kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej w Polsce? Jakie mogą być konsekwencje różnego uczestnictwa kobiet i mężczyzn w procesie sprawowania władzy? ; Basing on the analysis of available statistical data, this article presents Polish women's participation in the processes of exercising political power (legislative and executive) within central institutions of the state. The analysis covered a time frame between 1989 and 2015. The reasons for disparities between the numbers of women and men in political authorities as well as its possible consequences have also been illustrated. The received results allow arriving at the following conclusions. In the analysed period, a considerable increase in the number of women in both chambers of the Polish parliament and the subsequent governments was observed. However, the numbers are still far from political parity. In case of the government, the increased presence of women holding posts of the heads of ministries for affairs traditionally linked with feminine activity (e.g. culture, education, social policy) can also be underlined. Inequality within the area of exercising political authority may exert a significant impact on the society, i.e. limit the ability to shape the state policy within areas particularly interesting to women or reinforce gender stereotypes in the society.

Basing on the analysis of available statistical data, this article presents Polishwomen's participation in the processes of exercising political power (legislative and executive) within central institutions of the state. The analysis covered a time frame between 1989 and 2015. The reasons for disparities between the numbers of women and men in political authorities as well as its possible consequences have also been illustrated. The received results allow arriving at the following conclusions. In the analysed period, a considerable increase in the number of women in both chambers of the Polish parliament and the subsequent governments was observed. However, the numbers are still far from political parity. In case of the government, the increased presence of women holding posts of the heads of ministries for affairs traditionally linked with feminine activity (e.g. culture, education, social policy) can also be underlined.Inequality within the area of exercising political authority may exert a significantimpact on the society, i.e. limit the ability to shape the state policy within areasparticularly interesting to women or reinforce gender stereotypes in the society. ; W oparciu o analizę dostępnych danych statystycznych prześledzone zostanie uczestnictwo kobiet w sprawowaniu władzy na szczeblu centralnym – zarówno ustawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej. Podjęta zostanie również próba wyjaśnienia dysproporcji pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami w sprawowaniu władzy i ewentualnych tego konsekwencji. Tak więc główne pytania badawcze zostały sformułowane w następujący sposób: Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej, czyli w Sejmie oraz w Senacie? Jaki jest udział kobiet w strukturach partii politycznych w Polsce? Ile kobiet pełni funkcje kierownicze w partiach politycznych? Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy wykonawczej w Polsce? Na czele jakich resortów kobiety stają najczęściej? Z czego wynika różnica w poziomie uczestnictwa kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej w Polsce? Jakie mogą być konsekwencje różnego uczestnictwa kobiet i mężczyzn w procesie sprawowania władzy?

The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.

The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns 'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.

The purpose of the paper is to present the images of career women in the Arab world, and in particular to demonstrate different paths taken by them to success. An important topic is also how such women are perceived by the public. In the study, the term success is objectified and results primarily from the position occupied by women in the social hierarchy2 , especially in the politics and business (including show business). So far the problem of career women in the Arab world (and in abroader sense: in the Muslim world) has not been an object of studies or analyses, the more difficult it is, therefore, to discuss the images shaped. Thus, this is apreliminary study with aresearch base constituted by images of twelve women. (fragment of the text) ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wizerunków kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim oraz ukazanie różnorodności sposobów osiągania przez nie sukcesu. Istotnym wątkiem jest także odbiór społeczny takich kobiet. W opracowaniu pojęcie sukcesu ma wymiar zobiektywizowany i wynika przede wszystkim z miejsca zajmowanego przez kobiety w hierarchii społecznej, zwłaszcza w polityce oraz w biznesie (w tym show-biznesie). Problematyka kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim (i szerzej: muzułmańskim) nie była jak dotychczas przedmiotem badań i analiz, tym trudniej jest więc mówić o kształtowanych wizerunkach. Niniejsze opracowanie ma zatem charakter wstępnego studium, a podstawę badawczą stanowią sylwetki dwunastu kobiet. (fragment tekstu)