Suchergebnisse

The heavenly religions have spoken much about the creation of man and his place in the world of creation. The position of women in these religions, known as the revelation religions, is very high. In the ancient Hindus, woman was not dignified and regarded as much as men, although in the Upanishads the woman was intrinsically valued, and man and woman are half halves that complement each other. There is no legal difference between men and women in India today, and women can engage in political, economic, and cultural activities as men. In Hinduism, woman holds a high position as a mother, from the point of view of Hinduism, the ideal woman is a woman who loves her husband and provides his with comfort. But the Hindu girl is far less valuable than the Hindu boy, and many Hindus do not generally favor the girl child. From the Islamic point of view, men and women have equal value in terms of humanity, and no one has superiority over others in their humanity. But this does not mean that any physical and mental differences between the two are denied. The holy religion of Islam considers women the first and foremost task of marrying and raising children, by assigning specific duties to women that are commensurate with their type of creation, but at the same time permits women to adhere to the principles of a Muslim woman participate in the community and engage in social and economic activities.

The purpose of this paper is to find out the position of female workers in Islam, and the role of women in building prosperity for themselves, surrounding communities and participating in the nation's economic development. It is undeniable that women in Muslim countries lag behind their counterparts in non-Muslim countries in terms of participation in the workforce. However, a large number of studies show that religion is not the culprit in preventing women from being active in the labor market, but rather the cultural attitude that shapes labor force participation decisions. In the author's view, one way for women to achieve prosperity is to give them the opportunity to work. For women, the goal is to provide opportunities to work not only to increase income but also to manage various social vulnerabilities, especially poverty and domestic violence. Women's access to work also means the opportunity to engage in broader socio-political relations. This means that women can contribute to the development of their environment because they no longer live in the household environment, but have enough time to interact in the public space to transform social capital into economic capital in the form of opportunities to engage in economic activities. However, the effort to convert social capital into economic capital is not easy. There are still unfavourable views on the grounds that women's abilities are not commensurate with men which ultimately limits women from accessing livelihoods. Therefore, it is necessary to find a perspective that places men and women in an equal and fair position, especially in acquiring, utilizing, and developing assets and access to economic resources. It is time for the state to formulate public policies that place women as the main actors and not only as objects or complementary policies. In this paper we conclude that the importance of the role of the government through the integration of formal and Islamic education methods to the rearrangement of the labour market, so that women better understand the market and participatory communities become convinced to support women's labour force participation.The purpose of this paper is to find out the position of female workers in Islam, and the role of women in building prosperity for themselves, surrounding communities and participating in the nation's economic development. It is undeniable that women in Muslim countries lag behind their counterparts in non-Muslim countries in terms of participation in the workforce. However, a large number of studies show that religion is not the culprit in preventing women from being active in the labor market, but rather the cultural attitude that shapes labor force participation decisions. In the author's view, one way for women to achieve prosperity is to give them the opportunity to work. For women, the goal is to provide opportunities to work not only to increase income but also to manage various social vulnerabilities, especially poverty and domestic violence. Women's access to work also means the opportunity to engage in broader socio-political relations. This means that women can contribute to the development of their environment because they no longer live in the household environment, but have enough time to interact in the public space to transform social capital into economic capital in the form of opportunities to engage in economic activities. However, the effort to convert social capital into economic capital is not easy. There are still unfavourable views on the grounds that women's abilities are not commensurate with men which ultimately limits women from accessing livelihoods. Therefore, it is necessary to find a perspective that places men and women in an equal and fair position, especially in acquiring, utilizing, and developing assets and access to economic resources. It is time for the state to formulate public policies that place women as the main actors and not only as objects or complementary policies.In this paper we conclude that the importance of the role of the government through the integration of formal and Islamic education methods to the rearrangement of the labour market, so that women better understand the market and participatory communities become convinced to support women's labour force participation.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the following issues: state policy in Uzbekistan in the field of Islam and gender, the modern understanding of local Muslim societies' traditions, the spread of the hijab in Samarkand, and discourses around the hijab. There are various interpretations of religious practices in which women are involved. Some of these rituals are considered non-Islamic by the official Muslim clergy. We argue that the various discourses that existed around the Muslim societies' tradition contributed to the emergence of different motivations for wearing the hijab. In different eras, various symbolic meanings were attached to the hijab, with religiosity, modesty, backwardness, traditions, etc. If in the 1990s the hijab meant a return to pre-Soviet gender traditions for certain groups of women in certain regions of Uzbekistan, now it is perceived as part of modernity, which is understood differently by Muslims of Uzbekistan. For every one of these women, the hijab has its own personal meaning and there are various reasons for wearing it such as to consider it related to Islam or a symbol associated with Islam and the symbolization of moral categories of the spiritual purity and good manners.

"Women, Islam and Familial Intimacy in Colonial South Asia highlights the rich tradition of protest and defiance among the Muslim women of colonial India. Bringing together a range of archival material including novels, pamphlets, commentaries and journalistic essays, it narrates a history of Muslim feminism conversing with, and confronting the dominant and influential narratives of didactic social reform. The book reveals how discussion about marriage and family evoked claims of women's freedom and rights in a highly charged literary and cultural landscape where lesser-known female intellectuals jostled for public space alongside well-known male social reformers. Definitions of Islamic ethics remained central to these debates, and the book illustrates how claims of social obligation, religious duty and freedom balanced and negotiated each other in a period of nationalism and reform. By doing so, it also illuminates a story of Muslim politics that goes beyond the well-established accounts of Muslim separatism and the Pakistan movement"--

The primary purpose of parliamentarian is to make legislation to enable the lives of the people as per the requirements of the teachings of Islam (Quran and Sunnah) as described in Objectives Resolution 1949 and the constitution of 1973. In the parliamentary system of Pakistan, women's share as elected representatives is very low. Despite a low share in representation, there are some women's voices that reflect the sentiments of Islamic legislation. There is a wide array of academic scholarship on Islam and women's politics. This scholarship is divided into dogmatic conservative interpretation and liberal and modern interpretation. The dogmatic interpretive knowledge production is not in favour of women's political space but on the other side, modern liberal interpretive knowledge production explains the concept of modernity in Islam and favoured women's political participation. This paper explains the nature of knowledge production on Islam and women politics within the framework of dogmatism and modern interpretive perspective. The modern interpretivism claim that women have equal rights in political representation on the principle of gender equality. Dogmatists claim that women need to live as per prescribed limits set by the sacred injunctions.

The main aim of this study is to compare prejudicial practices against women leaders with egalitarian Islamic guidelines and current efforts towards achieving gender equality. The study also aims to highlight and offer new readings of the Quranic guidelines that may reform gender prejudice against Muslim/Arab women leaders. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 14 women leaders, the results show that egalitarian Islamic efforts towards gender equality are in conflict with certain negative gender practices. This leads us to conclude (and theorize) that Islamic guidelines, as originally retrieved from the Quran, support gender equality and remedy prejudicial assessment against genders. This study contributes to the literature through offering a partial counterview that highlights an egalitarian reading of Islamic principles relating to women leaders. To our knowledge, this is the first endeavour that incorporates Muslim women leaders' insights towards offering new readings of the Quranic guidelines on gender equality.

This article explores the efforts of Dutch Muslim women who try to break the 'oppressed Muslim woman' stereotype by monitoring their own behaviour in everyday interactions with members of the non-Muslim ethnic majority. In representing themselves as modern and emancipated, they try to change the dominant image of Muslim women in Dutch society, and thus also that of Islam. Based on interviews and archival material, I demonstrate that initially this strategy was mostly adopted by Dutch converts to Islam, and later also by 'born' Muslim women. Why do more and more Muslim women turn themselves into 'ambassadors' of Islam? And what are the costs of this form of self-essentialization? This article demonstrates the usefulness of studying self-representations of minority groups in the light of existing stereotypes, arguing that Muslim women's self-representations should be seen as part of a politics of belonging.

The resurgence of Islamic Fundamentalism determined a new wave of interest about Muslim countries; Islam became a privileged category of analysis to investigate the commitment of these countries through a democratic path. Women's role in Islam is extremely relevant since the relationship between religion and gender issues has become a fertile ground of discussion in academia, and also in local and transnational politics, in colonial and postcolonial analysis, in the affirmation of economic and political powers, and in the definition of identities. This Master thesis unfolds some pivotal issues to highlight the Quran and the Sunnah's gender egalitarian attitude. Thus Sharia is enforced on the base of an ahistorical and patriarchal interpretation of the sacred texts. Moreover, there is not only one Political Islam, and women's living conditions vary notably from country to country, from region to region. This work aims at understanding the miscellany, the variety, the juxtaposition among Islamic morals and legislation in three case studies: Hezbollah, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. Additionally, it tries to overcome several dualities offering an approach to a society founded on the Ethic of Care, on Progressive Islam and Islamic Feminism, on the base that each human being is different from others and that differences enrich us. ; O ressurgimento do Fundamentalismo Islâmico determinou um novo interesse pelos países muçulmanos. O Islão tornou-se um foco de análise para estudar o compromisso desses países para o caminho da democracia. O papel das mulheres no Islão é de suprema importância, até porque a interrelação entre religião e questões de género é matéria fértil não só na discussão acadêmica, mas também nas políticas nacionais/transnacionais, análises colonialistas e pós-colonialistas, na afirmação de poderes políticos e económicos, e na definição de identidades. Esta tese de Mestrado foca-se em temáticas essenciais que realçam a igualdade de género no Alcorão e na Sunnah, a pesar de que a Sharia é cumprida com base numa interpretação histórica e patriarcal dos textos sagrados. Não há um único Islã político e a condição das mulheres varia de país para país, de região para região. Este trabalho visa uma melhor compreensão da miscelânea, da variedade, da sobreposição da moral e da legislação no mundo Islâmico a partir do estudo do Hezbollah, do Hamas e da Irmandade Muçulmana. Também realça as dualidades duma sociedade baseada na ética do care, num Islão Progressista e num Feminismo Islâmico, assumindo de que cada ser humano é único e é o que nos enriquece.

A classic, pioneering account of the lives of women in Islamic history, republished for a new generation This pioneering study of the social and political lives of Muslim women has shaped a whole generation of scholarship. In it, Leila Ahmed explores the historical roots of contemporary debates, ambitiously surveying Islamic discourse on women from Arabia during the period in which Islam was founded to Iraq during the classical age to Egypt during the modern era. The book is now reissued as a Veritas paperback, with a new foreword by Kecia Ali situating the text in its scholarly context and explaining its enduring influence. "Ahmed's book is a serious and independent-minded analysis of its subject, the best-informed, most sympathetic and reliable one that exists today."--Edward W. Said "Destined to become a classic. . . . It gives [Muslim women] back our rightful place, at the center of our histories."--Rana Kabbani, The Guardian.

A classic, pioneering account of the lives of women in Islamic history, republished for a new generation This pioneering study of the social and political lives of Muslim women has shaped a whole generation of scholarship. In it, Leila Ahmed explores the historical roots of contemporary debates, ambitiously surveying Islamic discourse on women from Arabia during the period in which Islam was founded to Iraq during the classical age to Egypt during the modern era. The book is now reissued as a Veritas paperback, with a new foreword by Kecia Ali situating the text in its scholarly context and explaining its enduring influence. "Ahmed's book is a serious and independent-minded analysis of its subject, the best-informed, most sympathetic and reliable one that exists today."--Edward W. Said "Destined to become a classic. ... It gives [Muslim women] back our rightful place, at the center of our histories."-Rana Kabbani, The Guardian

This pioneering study of the social and political lives of Muslim women has shaped a whole generation of scholarship. In it, Leila Ahmed explores the historical roots of contemporary debates, ambitiously surveying Islamic discourse on women from Arabia during the period in which Islam was founded to Iraq during the classical age to Egypt during the modern era. The book is now reissued as a Veritas paperback, with a new foreword by Kecia Ali situating the text in its scholarly context and explaining its enduring influence

The academic discourse that deals with feminism and Islam makes some people cautious given the inherent double standards or oxymoronic nature of the combination of the following terms: "feminism" and "Islam". Hence questions arise as to whether it is worthwhile for women to study Islam from a women's issues perspective, or whether the religious monotheistic tradition and the patriarchal system it entails can coexist with the feminist standpoint. Do feminist Muslim women actually exist? Is Islamic feminism just "a trend" since Islamic discourse is en vogue and is widely discussed and dissected?