It should be stated at the beginning that the contemporary family in the Islamic World is basically patriarchal, characterized by the domination of the father — head of the family—followed by adult male members in accordance with their seniority. This very feature is strangely analogical to the early pre-Islamic tribal model of family and social hierarchy. Likewise, women perform now—as in the past dependent inferior roles. Women are, furthermore, isolated from the male society—also through the imposition of the ḥiǧāb (veil) and subjection to living (though, sometimes, and not as a rule) within polygamous family. To trace the source of this phenomenon, in an objective manner, we have to return to both the pre-Islamic tribal society and to early Islam. The political history of the time is assumed to be known and will not be the subject of interest of the present paper. ; Maciej Klimiuk
The heavenly religions have spoken much about the creation of man and his place in the world of creation. The position of women in these religions, known as the revelation religions, is very high. In the ancient Hindus, woman was not dignified and regarded as much as men, although in the Upanishads the woman was intrinsically valued, and man and woman are half halves that complement each other. There is no legal difference between men and women in India today, and women can engage in political, economic, and cultural activities as men. In Hinduism, woman holds a high position as a mother, from the point of view of Hinduism, the ideal woman is a woman who loves her husband and provides his with comfort. But the Hindu girl is far less valuable than the Hindu boy, and many Hindus do not generally favor the girl child. From the Islamic point of view, men and women have equal value in terms of humanity, and no one has superiority over others in their humanity. But this does not mean that any physical and mental differences between the two are denied. The holy religion of Islam considers women the first and foremost task of marrying and raising children, by assigning specific duties to women that are commensurate with their type of creation, but at the same time permits women to adhere to the principles of a Muslim woman participate in the community and engage in social and economic activities.
Gönül Dönmez-Colin's book, Women, Islam and Cinema, comes not a day too soon. At a time when controversies rage over the wearing of the veil in school, reality seems to be catching up with fiction. Dönmez-Colin speaks of the insidious and conservative ways in which cinema in many Islamic countries has portrayed women. Her sweep is large: she covers India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Iran, Turkey, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and draws careful analogies and contradictions that exist within and among these countries. Inevitably, cinema's depiction of women as actresses, directors and spectators grows out of the prevailing social and political atmosphere: stifling patriarchy and female subordination.
Property and wealth are entwined in the structure of society, with ties formed through blood and marital relations, and the orderly transfer of wealth is a fundamental part of Islamic law. The supreme purpose of the Islamic system is material provision for surviving dependants and relatives. This research tries to describe the important factors at work of religion to which women have an opportunity to contribute of their aspiration for the formulation of Islamic Law. The question to be considered is how does the pre-existing, culturally rooted perception of women influence the interpretation of the Qur'anic position on women? The interpretation of the Qur'an itself is influenced by social, moral, economic and political concerns, including interpretation regarding women. For example, Verse 34 of surah 4 of the Qur'an teaches that the superiority of men over women is justified by the fact that men provide women with "nafaqa," the resources necessary to maintain human life. This verse commonly has been cited to subjugate women in the name of Islam. But Muslim women are asking the question "How should this verse be interpreted?†Is the link between the relationship of domination and consumption limited to the sexual relationship, or is it institutionalized in other spheres?
The purpose of this paper is to find out the position of female workers in Islam, and the role of women in building prosperity for themselves, surrounding communities and participating in the nation's economic development. It is undeniable that women in Muslim countries lag behind their counterparts in non-Muslim countries in terms of participation in the workforce. However, a large number of studies show that religion is not the culprit in preventing women from being active in the labor market, but rather the cultural attitude that shapes labor force participation decisions. In the author's view, one way for women to achieve prosperity is to give them the opportunity to work. For women, the goal is to provide opportunities to work not only to increase income but also to manage various social vulnerabilities, especially poverty and domestic violence. Women's access to work also means the opportunity to engage in broader socio-political relations. This means that women can contribute to the development of their environment because they no longer live in the household environment, but have enough time to interact in the public space to transform social capital into economic capital in the form of opportunities to engage in economic activities. However, the effort to convert social capital into economic capital is not easy. There are still unfavourable views on the grounds that women's abilities are not commensurate with men which ultimately limits women from accessing livelihoods. Therefore, it is necessary to find a perspective that places men and women in an equal and fair position, especially in acquiring, utilizing, and developing assets and access to economic resources. It is time for the state to formulate public policies that place women as the main actors and not only as objects or complementary policies. In this paper we conclude that the importance of the role of the government through the integration of formal and Islamic education methods to the rearrangement of the labour market, so that women better understand the market and participatory communities become convinced to support women's labour force participation.The purpose of this paper is to find out the position of female workers in Islam, and the role of women in building prosperity for themselves, surrounding communities and participating in the nation's economic development. It is undeniable that women in Muslim countries lag behind their counterparts in non-Muslim countries in terms of participation in the workforce. However, a large number of studies show that religion is not the culprit in preventing women from being active in the labor market, but rather the cultural attitude that shapes labor force participation decisions. In the author's view, one way for women to achieve prosperity is to give them the opportunity to work. For women, the goal is to provide opportunities to work not only to increase income but also to manage various social vulnerabilities, especially poverty and domestic violence. Women's access to work also means the opportunity to engage in broader socio-political relations. This means that women can contribute to the development of their environment because they no longer live in the household environment, but have enough time to interact in the public space to transform social capital into economic capital in the form of opportunities to engage in economic activities. However, the effort to convert social capital into economic capital is not easy. There are still unfavourable views on the grounds that women's abilities are not commensurate with men which ultimately limits women from accessing livelihoods. Therefore, it is necessary to find a perspective that places men and women in an equal and fair position, especially in acquiring, utilizing, and developing assets and access to economic resources. It is time for the state to formulate public policies that place women as the main actors and not only as objects or complementary policies.In this paper we conclude that the importance of the role of the government through the integration of formal and Islamic education methods to the rearrangement of the labour market, so that women better understand the market and participatory communities become convinced to support women's labour force participation.
In this essay I offer some examples of reading feminist agency in Pakistan through an analysis of the poems of two of Pakistan's preeminent feminist poets, Fahmida Riaz (b.1946) and Kishwar Naheed (b.1940). Rather than gesture to their poetry in a strategy of recuperation I contend that their powerful narratives compel us to reevaluate the parameters of contemporary feminist historiography and discourses of nationalism in South Asia. The poems of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed are informed by a different set of paradigms about self and community (Islam) and at the same time reflect an archive (poetry) as crucial to feminist critiques of nationalism. They have thus been able to reach a large audience of women and articulate an explicitly feminist politics in Pakistan. Their poems necessarily take center-stage in this essay. However, a detailed analysis of the larger context and space their work occupies sheds light on how they, as feminists, have used poetry to revise subtly the complex relationships between women and men, and gender and nationalism in Pakistan.
The essentialist and dichotomizing battle over who is ideologically, morally, indeed humanly, more advanced (the West or the rest), has for centuries been fought over women's bodies. A few hundred years ago the rationale for imperialism in the case of the British Raj included the idea of white men saving brown women from brown men. The post 9/11 invasion of Afghanistan was also partly justified as a war between good and evil, with the US representing all that is good in terms of democracy, human rights, and, significantly, women's rights.
This article explores the efforts of Dutch Muslim women who try to break the 'oppressed Muslim woman' stereotype by monitoring their own behaviour in everyday interactions with members of the non-Muslim ethnic majority. In representing themselves as modern and emancipated, they try to change the dominant image of Muslim women in Dutch society, and thus also that of Islam. Based on interviews and archival material, I demonstrate that initially this strategy was mostly adopted by Dutch converts to Islam, and later also by 'born' Muslim women. Why do more and more Muslim women turn themselves into 'ambassadors' of Islam? And what are the costs of this form of self-essentialization? This article demonstrates the usefulness of studying self-representations of minority groups in the light of existing stereotypes, arguing that Muslim women's self-representations should be seen as part of a politics of belonging.
The resurgence of Islamic Fundamentalism determined a new wave of interest about Muslim countries; Islam became a privileged category of analysis to investigate the commitment of these countries through a democratic path. Women's role in Islam is extremely relevant since the relationship between religion and gender issues has become a fertile ground of discussion in academia, and also in local and transnational politics, in colonial and postcolonial analysis, in the affirmation of economic and political powers, and in the definition of identities. This Master thesis unfolds some pivotal issues to highlight the Quran and the Sunnah's gender egalitarian attitude. Thus Sharia is enforced on the base of an ahistorical and patriarchal interpretation of the sacred texts. Moreover, there is not only one Political Islam, and women's living conditions vary notably from country to country, from region to region. This work aims at understanding the miscellany, the variety, the juxtaposition among Islamic morals and legislation in three case studies: Hezbollah, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. Additionally, it tries to overcome several dualities offering an approach to a society founded on the Ethic of Care, on Progressive Islam and Islamic Feminism, on the base that each human being is different from others and that differences enrich us. ; O ressurgimento do Fundamentalismo Islâmico determinou um novo interesse pelos países muçulmanos. O Islão tornou-se um foco de análise para estudar o compromisso desses países para o caminho da democracia. O papel das mulheres no Islão é de suprema importância, até porque a interrelação entre religião e questões de género é matéria fértil não só na discussão acadêmica, mas também nas políticas nacionais/transnacionais, análises colonialistas e pós-colonialistas, na afirmação de poderes políticos e económicos, e na definição de identidades. Esta tese de Mestrado foca-se em temáticas essenciais que realçam a igualdade de género no Alcorão e na Sunnah, a pesar de que a Sharia é cumprida com base numa interpretação histórica e patriarcal dos textos sagrados. Não há um único Islã político e a condição das mulheres varia de país para país, de região para região. Este trabalho visa uma melhor compreensão da miscelânea, da variedade, da sobreposição da moral e da legislação no mundo Islâmico a partir do estudo do Hezbollah, do Hamas e da Irmandade Muçulmana. Também realça as dualidades duma sociedade baseada na ética do care, num Islão Progressista e num Feminismo Islâmico, assumindo de que cada ser humano é único e é o que nos enriquece.
Nyla Khan's Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India and Pakistan (2010) is extremely significant and timely for two reasons: first, she traces the political and cultural history of Kashmir's demand for self-determination through the category of "Kashimiriyat,†which draws on the vibrant diversity of Kashmir's cultural and political heritage, and second, her project is feminist, drawing on the intersectionality of gender, sexuality, religious identity, and ethnicity in discussing the varied forms of resistance in Kashmir.
This paper focuses on exploring a contemporary issues in the Islamic legislations as a religion from a scientific and philosophical perspective, approach of Islam with science, and major goals of Islam in terms of rights, money, and woman. It also aims to explore the phenomenon, true concepts, and the concepts of this ideology. Based on these definitions and formulas, a two survey study was designed and used from two stage stratified random sample of cluster. The final sampling units were selected randomly from the primary sampling units (25 families from every count regions) using a systematic random sample. In this present study, it was found that for a chosen country, the Polygamy percentage is about 0.1% of married female. Only 2.11% out of the total employed female renders supports to their family. Unmarried females who are 15 years old and over with Pregnancy are less by 24.1% when compared to unmarried males. There is a high dependence on men in the case of family supporting. In conclusion, successful application of Islam with science depends on the possibility of applying them together. Therefore, the explanations and definitions of many important legislation, phenomenon, and concepts, in addition to some formulas, were suggested. This, however, would have a significant contribution to a better understanding of many phenomena in the religion, ethic, law, economic, society, and politics.
This quick study highlights the need for future research among Muslim leaders, especially women leaders (otinoyi singular; otinoyilar plural), on the neglected topic of how Islam influences dispute resolution in Central Asia. The post-Soviet countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) have Muslim-majority populations and secular governments. As such, Islamic jurisprudence is not a source of state law and official Islamic courts do not exist there as in many other Muslim-majority countries. Islamic courts and jurisprudence did prevail in Central Asia but they were abolished by the Soviet Union and replaced with secular Soviet laws and courts. Therefore, it is easy to assume that Islamic legal authorities no longer influence the resolution of interpersonal disputes in Central Asia. Before accepting this assumption, it is necessary to explore the role of Islam in non-state dispute resolution processes in Central Asia.
This paper analyzes Afghan businesswomen's experiences and their attempts at engaging in the economic sector, and the manner in which they have navigated political, social, and cultural impediments to build and sustain economic enterprises, to reclaim agency in the post-Taliban era. Through in-depth interviews with three Afghan businesswomen in conjunction with observations of their daily lives, this discussion explores how Afghan businesswomen negotiate between international discourses on women's employment and work, and hyper-conservative values of Afghan society that prevent women from accessing economic opportunities. The businesswomen highlighted in this paper legitimize their place in economic participation and employment, in many ways, by employing Islamic discourses through the Qur'an and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad.
The social instability of the Middle East is often assumed to be consequential predominantly from the influences of extreme traditional Islamic practices; with substantial prominence placed upon the treatment of and violence against Middle Eastern women. This discussion seeks to directly prove the prevalence of Islamic influence on Middle Eastern politics and the resulting social instability. This assessment is designed around an interdisciplinary examination of coalescent factors. By assessing the political history, social and cultural lifestyle, and political and legal situation of the region, the assessment examines the contributors to the social instability of Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Turkey. The principal conclusion of this narrative is that the influences of extreme traditional Islamic values have a direct influence on the social instability and gender equality exhibited in Islamic Middle Eastern nation-states. ; 2012-12-01 ; B.A. ; Sciences, Dept. of Political Science ; Bachelors ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
Islam is a religion that elevates the degree of women in various positions. The position and the honor of women which is equal with men is justified by Islam. One of them is the right of women in politics, such as women's rights in the election, nomination for political office, as well as the right to participate in public affairs. This assumption is the thesis of an understanding of the general arguments contained in the Qur'an and Sunnah, for both men and women. Unless the distinction of their fitrah in the household, one male and one female. Women have their own fitrah such as menstruation, nifas, istihadhah, pregnancy, giving a birth, feeding, parenting and so forth. While men have level of 'qawamah', leadership, responsibility towards their family, and also the right to provide food for the family.
