Women's politics in 'Europe' in the 1990s
In: Women's studies international forum, Band 17, Heft 2-3, S. 289-297
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In: Women's studies international forum, Band 17, Heft 2-3, S. 289-297
In: Gender & history, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 248-255
ISSN: 1468-0424
M. Jeanne Peterson, Family, Love, and Work in the Lives of Victorian GentlewomenNorma Clarke, Ambitious Heights: Writing, Friendship, Love ‐ The Jewsbury Sisters, Felicia Hemans, and Jane Welsh CarlyleMary Lyndon Shanley, Feminism, Marriage, and the Law in Victorian England, 1850–1895Carol Dyhouse, Feminism and the Family in England, 1880–1939
In: Occasional paper series 2002, 1
In: Special edition
In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 348
ISSN: 1036-1146
In: Issue: a journal of opinion, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 29-31
The United Nations Women's Conference in Nairobi was the high point of official and unofficial attention to women in Africa in the entire International Decade for Women. The conference seemingly had a profound capacity to influence subsequent policies, programs, and organizational efforts to empower women. Yet the internationally derived economic crisis has had an even more profound effect on Tanzanian women's work and politics. Since independence, but particularly since the 1967 Arusha Declaration, Tanzania has made remarkable progress in extending access to education and health care facilities. As a result of crisis and structural adjustment policies, however, state budgetary investments have moved from social to productive sectors; budget redirection looms large in explanations of women's work and politics.
Focusing on the institutional aspects of the Kurdish women's movement in Turkey since the 1990s the article shows how it established a consciousness within the Kurdish national movement that gender equality is a cornerstone of democracy and ethnic rights. We frame this through theories of enacting intersectional multilayered citizenship and identify three key interventions: autonomous women's assemblies, women's quotas in pro-Kurdish rights parties and the co-chair system where all elected positions within the pro-Kurdish parties are jointly occupied by a male and female. These have achieved a better representation of women in formal politics, rendered gender equality and sexual violence legitimate subjects of politics and contributed to establishing an aspiration for a more dialogic political ethos. While the women's movement's close affiliation with the Kurdish national movement has been highly effective, it also in part circumscribes gender roles to fit its agendas.
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In: Issue: a quarterly journal of Africanist opinion, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 29-31
ISSN: 0047-1607
Die Frauen, zuständig für die "soziale Reproduktion", sind diejenigen, die in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten die Folgen verfehlter politischer Entscheidungen für ihre Familien so gering wie möglich halten. Die Verfasserin untersucht die Rolle der tansanischen Frauen im Hinblick auf die wirtschaflichen und sozialen Folgen des strukturellen Anpassungsprogramms und leitet daraus Forderungen an Partei und Staat ab. (DÜI-Gbh)
World Affairs Online
In: Labour / Le Travail, Band 23, S. 398
In: Global social sciences review: an open access, triple-blind peer review, multidisciplinary journal, Band I, Heft II, S. 59-73
ISSN: 2616-793X
Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, where every second family faced causality. Vested interests and international media focused on the region and sketched it from darkness to table of discussion. The reports of FAFEN, IDEA, PILDAT, European Union Observation Mission and Election Commission of Pakistan also acknowledged the truth that political participation of women has accelerated in Pakistan tremendously by means of casting votes, launching elections campaigns and contesting elections on general seats.
In: Gender, place and culture: a journal of feminist geography, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 479-501
ISSN: 1360-0524
This paper will endeavour to highlight an in-depth look to the sustained invisibility of the involvement of masses of women in political, historical, and social acts, exploring the philosophical mooring of women as being permanently inferior. The analysis will seek to reflect upon the impact of feminism and post colonialism within issues like the construction of the self. The two approaches will reveal how the degraded image of women is structured by male literary traditions and strengthened by their oppression exercised through patriarchal ideologies. The focus is put also on postcolonial women, who find themselves in front double pronunciation of the sounds of marginalization. This essay argues, in part, that the feminist role contributes in extending the duty of ordinary and subaltern women towards fuller understanding of the self. It also analyzes how feminists contribute to thrive their histories of writing traditions, and widening their involvement in education as a turning point enabling them for self-discovery and definition. These feminists allow their fellows notable insights into their thoughts, visions and actions to mediate their harsh status through significant ideas opposing the process of invisibility, Othering, and the dire circumstances inherent in their societies.This essay asserts further that the types of oppression that haunt women's narrative of the self also transmits the experiences of many women around the world. However, such social stigmatization push many of them to empower each other and learn from their inherent dilemmas by inserting unique inspirations and strategies to escape approximately all figures of powerlessness.
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In: Issue: a journal of opinion, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 4-6
High hopes were raised at the Nairobi meeting to conclude the United Nations Decade for Women in 1985. At the official meetings, more than 2,000 delegates from governments around the world met to hammer out a consensus of more than three hundred resolutions in Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women. Perhaps more importantly, the unofficial meetings (Forum '85) attracted approximately 14,000 women from existing and new organizations that emerged over the Decade, as compared to 8,000 in Copenhagen (Forum '80) and 6,000 in Mexico City, 1975.
In: Signs: journal of women in culture and society, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 32-36
ISSN: 1545-6943