Suchergebnisse

Rad nastoji problematizirati socijalno relevantno, ali politički zanemareno pitanje siromaštva među starijim ženama. Podatci pokazuju da je siromaštvo među ženama izazov za većinu zemalja članica Europske unije i izvan nje. Ipak, ono se ne može objasniti bez razumijevanja rodno specifičnog tijeka života žena. Razlike između starijih žena i muškaraca predočujemo prema riziku od siromaštva i uspoređujemo ih s onima u zemljama članicama EU-a. Rad se temelji na sekundarnim podatcima, tj. na Istraživanju dohotka i životnih uvjeta (EU SILC) koji omogućuju usporedbe između zemalja članica EU-a. Ustanovili smo da se rodna razlika u riziku od siromaštva povećava u starijoj dobi. Stopa rizika od siromaštva za žene mnogo je veća u Sloveniji nego u drugim zemljama članicama EUa. Razlika je posebno velika u dobnoj skupini žena starijih od 75 godina. Slovenija nije bila uspješna u rješavanju problema rizika od siromaštva jer nije uvela posebne mjere za smanjivanje općeg rizika od siromaštva i smanjivanje rodne razlike. ; This article aims to problematize a socially relevant, but politically overlooked issue of poverty among older women. Data show that poverty among women is a challenge for most EU countries and wider. However, it cannot be explained without understanding gender-specific life courses of women. We present the differences between older women and men in terms of the risk of poverty and compare them with those in EU countries. The article is based on secondary data, i.e. the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (EU SILC), which enable comparisons among EU countries. We have established that the gender gap in terms of risk of poverty widens in old age. The at-risk-of-poverty rate for women is much higher in Slovenia than in other EU states. The gap is especially large in the age group 75 and over. Slovenia has not been successful in coping with the risk of poverty problem, because it failed to introduce special measures to reduce the general risk of poverty and gender gap.

Nesumnjivo, događaji 18, 19 i 20 srpnja 1936. označavaju neke od najistraživanijih povijesnih činjenica nedavne katalonske povijesti. Istovremeno, nakon skoro osamdeset godina, znamo toliko malo o tim događajima. Ishod revolucije 1936. prevazilazi Španjolski građanski rat te njegov kraj koji je rezultirao u četrdeset godina dugoj fašističkoj diktaturi. Ovi događaji proizlaze iz ustanka kojeg su vodili ljudi iz radničkog sloja. Naime, upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa za izgubiti zaustavili vojni prevrat, boreći se metar po metar, ulicu po ulicu praktički nenaoružani te jedino uz pomoć Generalitat de Catalunya jurišnika. Upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, svojevoljno ušli u milicije s ciljem borbe protiv fašizma Zaragoze. Ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, posebice žene, koje su činile 70% radne snage u tvornicama Barcelone (elektroindustrija, dobavljači vode i plina, tekstilna i drvna industrija, luke, prehrambena industrija, transport ili industrija metala), kao i veći dio ekonomije zemlje (trgovina, distribucija hrane, brijačnice, zabavne emisije, škole, mediji, i sl.). Tijekom tih mjeseci, prvi i možda jedini put u povijesti, žene koje nisu imale ništa osim svojeg dostojanstva, imale su sve. ; Undoubtedly, the events of 18, 19 and 20 July 1936 constitute one of the most excessively interpreted historical facts in recent Catalan history. And, all the same, after eighty years we still know very little about them. The originality of the 1936 social revolution, which was structural and inherent to it, goes beyond the Spanish Civil War and its end in a forty-year long Fascist dictatorship that masked the significance of the revolutionary brunt, or even beyond the tendentious readings from both sides –including the republican sector's internal contradictions-. It stems from an insurrection leaded by its basis, by people from across the working-class neighborhoods of the city of Barcelona. Certainly, it was the people who had nothing –nor anything to lose- who stopped the military coup, inch by inch, street by street, practically unarmed and with the only collaboration of the Generalitat de Catalunya's assault guards. It was the people who had nothing who mainly volunteered to the militias to fight the fascism at Zaragoza. It was the people who had nothing, especially the women, who collectivized around 70% of Barcelona's factories (electrical industry, water and gas supply companies, textile and wood industries, harbors, food industry, transport companies, or metal industry), as well as a great part of the economy of the country (trade, food distribution, barber's shops, entertainment shows, schools, media, croplands, swimming pools, or leisure facilities.). During those months, for the first and perhaps the only time in history, the women who had nothing except their dignity, did have everything. To them I want to dedicate my research and to pay homage.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

Zaposlene žene sklonije su kompulzivnoj kupovini što može dovesti do značajnog povećanja izdataka za potrošnju kućanstava. U ovom radu istražuje se utjecaj promjene broja zaposlenih žena na potrošnju kućanstva po glavi stanovnika. Testira se hipoteza da promjena u broju zaposlenih žena ima značajan utjecaj na izdatke finalne potrošnje kućanstva per capita, zbog različitih sklonosti potrošnji, a provedena je empirijska analiza temeljena na skupu panel podataka 36 gospodarstava OECD-a u razdoblju 2000. – 2016. Rezultati pokazuju da promjena broja zaposlenih žena povećava rashode kućanstva per capita. Nadalje, rezultati impliciraju da životna dob zaposlenih žena ima vrlo značajnu ulogu u donošenju odluka o potrošnji što može dovesti do značajnih razlika u ukupnim izdacima potrošnje. Ovi rezultati ukazuju na važnost razumijevanja činjenice da promjena broja zaposlenih žena utječe i na planiranje ukupne potrošnje i formuliranje politika gospodarskog rasta. ; Working women have more compulsive buying tendencies which can lead to a significant increase in their household consumption expenditures. This study investigates the effects of changes in the number of working women on household per capita consumption. We test the hypothesis that changes in the number of working women have a discernible impact on household final per capita consumption expenditures, due to their differing consumption propensities, by doing an empirical analysis based on panel data set of 36 OECD economies within the period 2000-2016. The results indicate that changes in the number of working women increase the household per capita consumption expenditures. The result also implies that age plays a significant role in working women consumption decision making and may lead to significant differences in aggregate consumption expenditure. These findings suggest the importance of understanding changes in the number of working women in planning for aggregate consumption mobilization and in the formulation of aggregate growth policies.

Obitelj je oduvijek bila u interakciji s društvenim, gospodarskim, kulturnim i drugim povijesnim tekovinama. U posljednjih 50 godina dolazi do povećanja broja žena na tržištu rada, a dvohraniteljske obitelji postaju normativ u razvijenim zemljama. Ipak, velik broj žena iz takvih obitelji ima poteškoća u usklađivanju poslovnog i obiteljskog života, posebno što se tiče skrbi za djecu, što upućuje na dvostruku ulogu žena u suvremenoj obitelji. Dakle, status žene se u društvu promijenio, no njezina uloga u obitelji, briga o djeci i teret kućanskih poslova ostaju isti kao u prošlosti kad je žena bila vezana za kuću. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove studenata Sveučilišta u Zadru prema dvostrukoj ulozi žena u obitelji u Hrvatskoj, odnosno prema položaju žene na tržištu rada i njezinim obiteljskim obvezama te utvrditi u kojoj mjeri ocjenjuju ponuđene mjere pomoći ženama u usklađivanju poslovnih i obiteljskih obveza te poboljšanja njihovog položaja u društvu efikasnima. U istraživanju je korišten prigodan uzorak od 181 ispitanika, od kojeg 91 čine žene, a 90 muškarci. Studenti općenito pokazuju umjereno egalitaran stav prema ovom problemu, a kao što je i pretpostavljeno, dobivene su razlike u stavovima, u smjeru da žene, kojima je majka stalno zaposlena te ispitanici kojima je majka obrazovanija, s jedne strane, izražavaju egalitarnije stavove od muškaraca, kojima je majka domaćica te niže obrazovana, s druge strane. Razlika se najviše očituje u vidu usklađivanja obiteljske i poslovne uloge žene te utjecaja ženine zaposlenosti na dijete. Također, analizom rezultata dobiven je podatak da ispitanici/e koji pokazuju veću osjetljivost prema pitanju dvostruke uloge žene u obitelji, kao korijen problema vide u zakonu i društvenim vrijednostima, dok rješenje za pomirenje obiteljske i profesionalne uloge žene i poboljšanja njezinog položaja u društvu vide u dosljednom primjenjivanju zakona, obrazovanju te promjeni svijesti o ravnopravnosti spolova. ; Family has always interacted with social, economic, cultural and other historical changes. In the last 50 years women have increasingly been represented in the labor market, and dual-earner families have become the norm in developed countries. Nevertheless, a great number of women from those families experience difficulties in balancing work and family life, which suggests the dual role of women in contemporary families. The status of women in society has changed, but their role in the family, childcare and household responsibilities have remained the same as when they were primarily tied to the house. The aim of this paper was to examine the attitudes of students of the University of Zadar towards the dual role of women in Croatian families, i.e. towards women's market position and family obligations, as well as to determine the extent to which students evaluate the efficiency of the offered measures that could help women with balancing work and family obligations and improve their status in society. The research was conducted on a convenient sample of 181 participants, 91 of which were women, and 90 of which were men. Students generally showed moderately egalitarian attitude towards this issue. However, as it was assumed, the results showed a difference in attitudes according to independent variables, where women, participants from humanities and social sciences, those whose mothers are employed and more educated, on the one hand, showed more egalitarian attitudes than men, participants from technical field of study, those whose mothers are homemakers and less educated, on the other hand. This difference in attitude was most evident in terms of women's balancing between work and family obligations, and the effect of their employment on the child's wellbeing. Moreover, data analysis showed that the participants who express more sensitivity towards the issue of the dual role of women, think that the root of the problem lies in the law and social values, and that a solution for the reconciliation of women's work and family obligations should be consistent gender equality law enforcement, education and the increasing of gender issue awareness.

U početku 21. stoljeća često se koristi pojam pozitivne (afirmativne) diskriminacije. Pozitivna diskriminacija mjera je koju poduzima vlada, neka organizacija ili korporacija s ciljem da se smanje nejednakosti u društvu nastale upravo diskriminacijom, na način da se pružaju određene povlastice onima koji su pretrpjeli neku vrstu diskriminacije. Nastala je u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama na inicijativu predsjednika Kennedyja, Johnsona i Nixona. Diskriminacija, nažalost, ima mnogo oblika, a neke od najzastupljenijih diskriminacija su: rasne, rodne, dobne, religijske, etničke. Središte ovoga rada bit će na organizacijskoj i korporativnoj pozitivnoj rodnoj diskriminaciji na tržištu rada u Republici Hrvatskoj. Žene na radnom mjestu marginalizirane su, imaju manje plaće i sporije napreduju na hijerarhijskoj organizacijskoj ljestvici, što ih vrlo često stavlja pred izbor oko svojih reproduktivnih odluka. Stoga je problem istraživanja rodna nejednakost na tržištu rada u Republici Hrvatskoj, što dovodi do socioekonomskih nejednakosti između dviju rodnih grupa. Glavni je cilj istraživanja postići bolje razumijevanje kako pozitivna rodna diskriminacija utječe na veće uključivanje žena na tržište rada u Republici Hrvatskoj. Prikupljanje relevantnih podataka i informacija temeljit će se na sekundarnim (relevantna znanstvena i stručna literatura te dokumentacija odabranih organizacija) i primarnim istraživanjima (anketiranje i dubinski intervjui). Populacija ispitanika anketnim upitnikom su žene na menadžerskim pozicijama, a za intervjue donositelji korporativnih odluka (top menadžeri odabranih organizacija). Veličina uzorka za anketiranje je 30 (N=30), a za intervjue 6 (N=6). Rezultati istraživanja upućuju na zaključak da razumijevanje rodne diskriminacije te izgradnja svijesti da svi imaju jednake mogućnosti na radnom mjestu potiče žene na veće uključivanje na tržište rada u Republici Hrvatskoj, što doprinosi razvoju socioekonomske jednakosti između žena i muškaraca. ; In the beginning of the 21st century, the term positive discrimination is often used. Positive discrimination is a measure taken by the government, organization or corporation in order to reduce inequalities in the society occurred by discrimination in a way that provides certain benefits to those who have suffered some kind of discrimination. It was formed in the United States of America at the initiative of presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon. Unfortunately discrimination takes many forms, and some of the most common are: race, gender, age, religion and ethnic minority. The focus of this paper will be on organizational and corporative positive gender discrimination in the labour market in Croatia. Women in the workplace are marginalized, have lower wages and slower progress on the hierarchical organizational ladder, which often forces them to make reproductive decisions. Therefore, the problem of this research is gender inequality in the labour market in Croatia which leads to socio-economic inequalities between the two gender groups. The main aim of the research is to achieve a better understanding of how positive gender discrimination affects the greater involvement of women in the labour market in Croatia. The relevant data and information will be collected using secondary (relevant scientific and technical literature and documentation of selected organizations) and primary research (surveys and in-depth (thorough) interviews). The target questionnaire population are women in managerial positions, and for the interviews are corporate decision-makers (top managers of selected organizations). The sample size for the survey is 30 (N=30), and for interviews 6 (N=6). The results of the study suggest that understanding of gender discrimination and building awareness of equal opportunities in the workplace encourages women to a greater participation in the labour market in Croatia, which contributes to the development of socio-economic equality between women and men.

Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Prvi cilj rada bio je proučiti kako je Prvi svjetski rat kao prekretnica u europskoj povijesti utjecao na društvenu, ekonomsku i političku ulogu žena na primjeru jedne malene agrarne i u društvenom smislu tradicionalne zajednice kao što je otok Krk koji je bio samostalan kotar unutar Markgrofovije Istre. Drugi cilj rada bio je prikazati svakodnevicu Krčanki i Krčana, odnosno kako se krčko stanovništvo nosilo s ratnim neprilikama, prvenstveno u pogledu pada standarda života. Isto tako, dao se kratak prikaz kako se središnja vlast brinula za ratne udovice sa siročadi i za siromašne i unesrećene Krčanke i Krčane. U radu se koristio primjer općine Baške kao onomad najmnogoljudnije krčke općine. ; The first goal of this paper was to examine how World War One, a threshold in the European History, in uenced the social, economic and political role of women with a case study of a small agrarian and, socially speaking, traditional community such as the island of Krk, an independent district in the Istrian Markgraviate. Another goal was to demonstrate the everyday life of the islands' inhabitants, moreover how they coped with the war and its consequences, such as the decline of the life standard. In addition, the paper presented a brief insight on how the central power took care of the war widows, orphans, poor and less fortunate islanders. The paper focused on Baška as the then most populated county on the island of Krk.

The paper looks into the effectiveness of the application of preferential quotas for electoral posts & compares the different quota systems in the EU countries. Starting from the assumption that political parties in contemporary democracies are major actors in the representation of women in national parliaments, the author analyses the (un)favourable conditions for women in candidacy procedures & some examples of (un)successful quota implementations. The conclusion is that a successful application of the quotas for women depends on a set of additional variables such as the quota application in proportional electoral systems, the entrenchment of the quotas in women's movements & their consistent & long-term implementation. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

A major role of political parties in a multiparty democratic system is to encourage equal opportunities of men & women with the aim of realizing full democracy. Among the parliamentary parties in Croatia, we can distinguish between those who can see no reason whatsoever to pay special attention to this issue, considering it settled, & those who advocate the need for & continuity of promoting women's rights. In an analysis of party attitudes on that issue, the following model was used: a dimension whose extremes are state intervention & self-regulation. It was linked with the dimension of the continuum modernism-traditionalism. Thus we get a four-field chart. The first field includes the traditionalist political parties (HDZ, HSS, & HSP) who view the social position of women as a result of a spontaneous development of the society in general; ie, they accept the rule of self-regulation. In the second, for the time being empty, there would be parties that strive for social regulation in the realization of traditional social values. The next field is complementarily shared by modern political parties inclined to self-regulation (HNS, HSLS, HND, SNS, IDS, DA) & those who advocate state regulation of the mentioned issue (SDP & ASH). The analysis of the attitude toward women in party organization shows the following: (1) low percentage of women among party rank-&-file, regardless of a party's nature; & (2) "the rule" that the higher the level of political decision making, the lower the number of women. 3 Tables, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.