The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns 'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
The purpose of the paper is to present the images of career women in the Arab world, and in particular to demonstrate different paths taken by them to success. An important topic is also how such women are perceived by the public. In the study, the term success is objectified and results primarily from the position occupied by women in the social hierarchy2 , especially in the politics and business (including show business). So far the problem of career women in the Arab world (and in abroader sense: in the Muslim world) has not been an object of studies or analyses, the more difficult it is, therefore, to discuss the images shaped. Thus, this is apreliminary study with aresearch base constituted by images of twelve women. (fragment of the text) ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wizerunków kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim oraz ukazanie różnorodności sposobów osiągania przez nie sukcesu. Istotnym wątkiem jest także odbiór społeczny takich kobiet. W opracowaniu pojęcie sukcesu ma wymiar zobiektywizowany i wynika przede wszystkim z miejsca zajmowanego przez kobiety w hierarchii społecznej, zwłaszcza w polityce oraz w biznesie (w tym show-biznesie). Problematyka kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim (i szerzej: muzułmańskim) nie była jak dotychczas przedmiotem badań i analiz, tym trudniej jest więc mówić o kształtowanych wizerunkach. Niniejsze opracowanie ma zatem charakter wstępnego studium, a podstawę badawczą stanowią sylwetki dwunastu kobiet. (fragment tekstu)
The share of women among the total number of managers in Poland is one of the highest in the European Union. The surveys carried out on the initiative of the Warsaw Stock Exchange in 2009 and 2010 indicated that in capital market companies and stock market companies, the share of women in the executive suite of all levels exceeds the country's average. The conducted surveys confi rm the regularity that the higher the steps of the executive ladder are the lower shares constitute women - on the top executive positions men decidedly dominate, also in those companies where the feminization rate of their human resources is relatively high. Joint-venture companies distinguishes implementation of the solutions promoting women to the executive positions, but mainly on the intermediate level, despite the fact that the employed by them women usually have tertiary education. These companies seem to be introducing western practices to the Polish business reality, as they more often present the belief that employing women and ensuring equal chances for their promotion to the executive positions, is not only a manifestation of obedience of the anti-discrimination law, but it also generates benefi ts for the company - staff diversity facilitates higher effectiveness. The Stock Exchange that undergone an evident evolution in the area of equalising chances of women and promoting them to the executive suite, including the top management level positively stands out against the background of the surveyed companies. It provides an example of good practice in this fi eld. The WSE Board comprises equal numbers of women and men. In the special resolution of 19 May 2010, the WSE recommended to all public companies adoption of solutions targeted at ensuring equal shares of women and men on the top executive levels, as it is profi table for the company's development. The conducted surveys - which were precursory in Poland - examining the situation in public companies lead to conclusion that there are still too few of them that are ...
The Turkish history huge efforts aimed at modernization and determination to equal Western European countries in the fi eld of respecting human rights. The secularisation process carried out during the Mustafa Kemal Pasha resulted in Turkey being the only Muslim country, were the principle of separation of religion from the state is obligatory (at least formally). The last military coup (in 1980), activities of non-governmental organizations and the infl uence of the European Union in relation to the accession process resulted in gradual improvement of the situation of women in Turkey. The European Union indirectly supported opposition feminist's movement which emerged in new political situation. Nevertheless, gender segregation is still visible on the streets of Istanbul and in the workplaces - women are employed in places less exposed to social contacts, they are paid lower pay, and they often work in the informal sector without a benefi t of social security. Finally, it is worth to point out some similarities between Poland and Turkey. At the beginning of XX century agriculture and monotheistic religion dominated in both countries. Both countries, albeit for different reasons, reclaimed independence after World War I. In both countries strong leaders took over, reforming and modernizing the country. Both leaders, Józef Piłsudski and Mustafa Kemal sympathised with the postulates of female organizations in respect to voting rights and access to education35. For many years, in both countries the dominant role model for women was a mother (also mother of the nation) or a virgin. However, following different ideologies, equality of women in employment was promoted. In Poland and in Turkey gender inequality in marriage has never been opposed, while the phenomenon of domestic violence was concealed. Moreover, in the eighties and nineties of the XX century, both countries: Turkey and Poland underwent liberalizing political changes. Women have become their benefi - ciaries, but they also have been their motive power. ...
Over the last hundred years, there have been accomplished visible and beneficial to women changes related to equalization of their chances in the labour market. Thanks to feminist movements of the first and second wave women gained access to education and the right to vote, there was accomplished progress in women's access to the labour market, to business and managerial positions. The data for Poland show that contemporary women are better educated than men and have qualifications adequate for managerial positions at the top executive level - become owners of company or hold positions of presidents and general directors. There are increasingly more studies proving that gender diversity is profitable for companies, as it generates higher effectiveness due to higher efficiency and greater creativity of diversified teams. Facing radical demographic changes resulting with the lower number of successive generations entering the labour market, it is essential to take advantage of the potential of increasingly higher educated women and to treat them as the labour force resource equal to men (and not subordinate). Patriarchy as a social system where women play inferior roles to men is exhausting its significance and ceases to be justified, i.e. it does not facilitate socio-economic development or welfare of societies. It is being replaced with partnership of women and men both at work and in family. Transformation of patriarchy into partnership is a longstanding process, therefore, in order to accelerate it, there are implemented solutions in a form of quotas in politics and business which are actions of interim character - implemented for a determined period in order to achieve faster the goal which is obtaining gender balance in decision-making bodies. ; Na przestrzeni ostatnich stu lat dokonały się dostrzegalne i korzystne dla kobiet zmiany związane z wyrównywaniem ich szans na rynku pracy. Dzięki ruchom feministycznym pierwszej i drugiej fali kobiety uzyskały prawo do edukacji i prawa wyborcze, dokonał się postęp w ...
W oparciu o analizę dostępnych danych statystycznych prześledzone zostanie uczestnictwo kobiet w sprawowaniu władzy na szczeblu centralnym – zarówno ustawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej. Podjęta zostanie również próba wyjaśnienia dysproporcji pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami w sprawowaniu władzy i ewentualnych tego konsekwencji. Tak więc główne pytania badawcze zostały sformułowane w następujący sposób: Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej, czyli w Sejmie oraz w Senacie? Jaki jest udział kobiet w strukturach partii politycznych w Polsce? Ile kobiet pełni funkcje kierownicze w partiach politycznych? Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy wykonawczej w Polsce? Na czele jakich resortów kobiety stają najczęściej? Z czego wynika różnica w poziomie uczestnictwa kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej w Polsce? Jakie mogą być konsekwencje różnego uczestnictwa kobiet i mężczyzn w procesie sprawowania władzy? ; Basing on the analysis of available statistical data, this article presents Polish women's participation in the processes of exercising political power (legislative and executive) within central institutions of the state. The analysis covered a time frame between 1989 and 2015. The reasons for disparities between the numbers of women and men in political authorities as well as its possible consequences have also been illustrated. The received results allow arriving at the following conclusions. In the analysed period, a considerable increase in the number of women in both chambers of the Polish parliament and the subsequent governments was observed. However, the numbers are still far from political parity. In case of the government, the increased presence of women holding posts of the heads of ministries for affairs traditionally linked with feminine activity (e.g. culture, education, social policy) can also be underlined. Inequality within the area of exercising political authority may exert a significant impact on the society, i.e. limit the ability to shape the state policy within areas particularly interesting to women or reinforce gender stereotypes in the society.
Basing on the analysis of available statistical data, this article presents Polishwomen's participation in the processes of exercising political power (legislative and executive) within central institutions of the state. The analysis covered a time frame between 1989 and 2015. The reasons for disparities between the numbers of women and men in political authorities as well as its possible consequences have also been illustrated. The received results allow arriving at the following conclusions. In the analysed period, a considerable increase in the number of women in both chambers of the Polish parliament and the subsequent governments was observed. However, the numbers are still far from political parity. In case of the government, the increased presence of women holding posts of the heads of ministries for affairs traditionally linked with feminine activity (e.g. culture, education, social policy) can also be underlined.Inequality within the area of exercising political authority may exert a significantimpact on the society, i.e. limit the ability to shape the state policy within areasparticularly interesting to women or reinforce gender stereotypes in the society. ; W oparciu o analizę dostępnych danych statystycznych prześledzone zostanie uczestnictwo kobiet w sprawowaniu władzy na szczeblu centralnym – zarówno ustawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej. Podjęta zostanie również próba wyjaśnienia dysproporcji pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami w sprawowaniu władzy i ewentualnych tego konsekwencji. Tak więc główne pytania badawcze zostały sformułowane w następujący sposób: Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej, czyli w Sejmie oraz w Senacie? Jaki jest udział kobiet w strukturach partii politycznych w Polsce? Ile kobiet pełni funkcje kierownicze w partiach politycznych? Jaki jest udział kobiet w organach władzy wykonawczej w Polsce? Na czele jakich resortów kobiety stają najczęściej? Z czego wynika różnica w poziomie uczestnictwa kobiet w organach władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej w Polsce? Jakie mogą być konsekwencje różnego uczestnictwa kobiet i mężczyzn w procesie sprawowania władzy?
W siedmiu kadencjach polskiego sejmu po 1991 r. i w sejmie kontraktowym nie było reprezentacji kobiet tożsamej z podziałem społeczeństwa według płci. Statystycznie we wszystkich kadencjach było 18% parlamentarzystek. Przedmiotem analizy w prezentowanym materiale są determinanty, które ograniczają lub przeciwnie – uprawdopodabniają szanse wyborcze kobiet na polskiej scenie politycznej, a dokładniej w jednej z izb parlamentarnych, w sejmie. Wśród przywoływanych czynników są zmienne demograficzne dotyczące m.in. miejsca zamieszkania, wieku, wykształcenia, dalej zmienne związane z kontekstem politycznym, reprezentowaną partią lub grupą wyborców, prowadzoną kampanią wyborczą, ale także dotyczące życia prywatnego, rodzinnego. Źródłami pozwalającymi weryfikować hipotezę o niemerytorycznych ograniczeniach szans wyborczych kobiet są biogramy parlamentarzystek, archiwa sejmowe rejestrujące formy aktywności parlamentarnej oraz wypowiedzi prasowe. ; During seven terms of the Polish Sejm after 1991, as well as in the Contract Sejm, there was no representation of females that would reflect gender division in society. Statistically in all the terms, women constituted 18% of all members of parliament. The subject of the analysis in the presented material are determinants limiting, or, on the contrary, substantiating women's electoral chances in the Polish political landscape; more precisely, within one of parliamentary chambers, namely Sejm. The mentioned factors include demographic variables involving, among others, place of residence, age, education, as well as variables regarding political context, represented political party or voter groups, a conducted electoral campaign, but also those concerning private, family life. Biographies of female members of parliament, Sejm archives registering the forms of parliamentary activity and press releases constitute the sources that allowed to verify the thesis regarding non-factual limitations of women's electoral chances.
The purpose of the study is to present the situation of professional activity of women in the ICT industry (information and communication technology) and the industry of selected tourist services in the countries of the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) which are EU member states. The Baltic Sea Region forms one of the micro-regions of the European Union for which special strategies are formulated. These strategies aim, among others, to strengthen transnational cooperation, which can as a result lead to greater territorial cohesion and potential of the region. The research was conducted as part of the WINNET (Winnet Centre of Excellence) project, and more precisely, within the scope of measure defined as: WP4 – Gender analysis of the SMEs in ICT and tourism in the BSR – quantitative approach. The research covered analysis of the structure and dynamics of employment rates by gender in the indicated industries. Because of the guidelines formulated in the Europe 2020 strategy, the analysis focussed on the 20-64 age group1 . The analysis takes into account 8 countries from the Baltic Sea Region that are EU member states: Germany, Denmark, Finland, Sweden (the so-called old member states designated as BSR-EU15) and Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (states from the group that acceded to the EU after 2003, hereinafter referred to as BSR-NM10). (fragment of the text) ; Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie sytuacji związanej zaktywnością zawodową kobiet wsektorze ICT (technologii informacyjno-komunikacyjnych) oraz wsektorze wybranych usług turystycznych wpaństwach Regionu Morza Bałtyckiego (BSR) należących do Unii Europejskiej. Region Morza Bałtyckiego stanowi jeden zmakroregionów UE, dla których są formułowane specjalne strategie. Strategie te mają na celu m.in. zacieśnienie współpracy transnarodowej, co wrezultacie może prowadzić do zwiększenia spójności terytorialnej oraz potencjału regionu. Badanie zostało przeprowadzone wramach projektu WINNET (Winnet Centre of Excellence), adokładniej wramach działania określonego ...
The paper presents results of a pilot study conducted in the second half of 2015 as part of the project Gender, Innovation and Sustainable Development in the Baltic Sea Region in the following five countries: Estonia, Poland, Sweden, Lithuania and Latvia. The countries differ in terms of the scale of female entrepreneurship and the level of innovativeness of their economies, but also in respect of state policy for gender equality. With an index at the level of 74 points, Sweden tops the ranking of the Gender Equality Index, while the other countries that fall within the scope of this research have a significantly lower index: Estonia – 54, Latvia – 47, Poland – 44, Lithuania – 40 [EIGE 2013]. Sweden is also a leader in the Innovation Union Scoreboard 2014 ranking (outdoing Denmark and Finland); Estonia, Lithuania and Poland, on the other hand, have been classified to a group of moderate innovators, while Latvia – to a group of modest innovators . EU experts hold an opinion that the success of Sweden (and other Scandinavian countries) in the area of innovativeness comes not only from high R&D expenditures, but also from socio-cultural factors, such as equal opportunities and focus on cooperation (socalled multilevel governance). (fragment of the text) ; Wartykule przedstawiamy wyniki badania wstępnego przeprowadzonego wdrugiej połowie 2015r., wramach projektu Gender, Innovation and Sustainable Development in the Baltic Sea Region, wpięciu krajach: Estonii, Polsce iSzwecji oraz na Litwie iŁotwie. Kraje te różnią się pod względem skali zjawiska przedsiębiorczości kobiet ipoziomu innowacyjności gospodarki, ale także wzakresie polityki państwa na rzecz równouprawnienia. Szwecja zajmuje pierwsze miejsce wrankingu Gender Equality Index ze wskaźnikiem na poziomie 74 punktów, podczas gdy pozostałe kraje objęte badaniem mają ten wskaźnik dużo niższy: Estonia – 54, Łotwa – 47, Polska – 44, Litwa – 40 [EIGE 2013]. Szwecja jest też liderem wrankingu Innovation Union Scoreboard 2014 (przed Danią iFinlandią), podczas gdy ...
