The gothic is a poetics in constant mutation that, through imagination, thematizes fears, anxieties and the priorities of a historic time. These are the images that involve the female characters in Patrícia Melo's novel, Mulheres empilhadas. They inhabit the locus of a dystopian curse, as victims of crimes, sexual violence and the very erasure of their lives. Merging reality and fiction, Melo brings a dystopian narrative to the realm of the gothic poetics, in which imagination manifests itself by means of discrimination of politics, of religion, and of gender. Such power regimes generate fear and insecurity as means of control, thus, turning societies into dystopian models of aggression. ; A Revolta das Mulheres Sacrificadas O gótico é uma poética em constante mutação que, através da imaginação, explora como temas os medos, as ansiedades, as prioridades de um tempo histórico. São essas imagens que envolvem as personagens femininas do romance de Patrícia Melo, Mulheres empilhadas. E é o lugar da maldição distópica que elas habitam, vítimas dos crimes, das violências sexuais e do apagamento de suas vidas. Trata-se de uma narrativa distópica, que mescla realidade e ficção e se inscreve no âmbito da poética gótica, explorando questões como discriminações políticas, religiosas e de gênero.
Objective: to describe the expectations of pregnant women for childbirth, their fears and anxieties. The activities those they develop to reduce anxiety and family participation. Method: Search descriptive qualitative approach performed in a Basic Health Unit (BHU) in the city of Uberaba MG, with 15 pregnant women. The research project was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Federal University of Triangulo Mineiro (UFTM) Uberaba MG, under protocol # 1778. Results: Four categories emerged: fear and anxiety, congenital malformation, baby layette and participation of the husband and the mother. Conclusion: We conclude the increasing need for actions to promote health and prevent complications in pregnant women, as well as groups and call for inquiries and planning delivery and postpartum.
Objective: to know histories resilientes of frequentadoras women of the wheels of Terapia Comunitária Sistêmica Integrativa (TC). Methods: To take care of to the considered objectives, we use the method of Verbal History. The study it was developed with 7 collaborators of the TC wheels, in the community Park of the Sun. Results: When analyzing the empirical material, we construct three thematic axles: the TC space of allotment and wakening of the resilience, resources of imaginary in the process resiliente and Resilience: the force constructed with the life. The TC emerged as a source of awaking of the resilience capacity. Conclusions: Histories assist to see that we are capable to surpass the suffering with the exercise of the resilience, concept that can be significant for the redimensionamento of the research in the field of the communitarian health, mental health and in the field of the nursing, contributing for reflections on education, research and extension.
The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
The article verifies the use of the term feminicide in the journalistic coverage of the homicides of women practiced by their comrades or ex-comrades for reasons of belonging to the female sex, when the crime involves domestic and family violence, as well as the contempt or discrimination related to the condition of woman. The sample is composed by eight articles in the online version of Jornal do Tocantins, specifically published in 2016. Methodologically this article practises Content Analysis. The research seeks to promote a reflection about the important contribution of news, as one of the mechanisms of access to information, for the formation of public opinion and cultural change necessary to combat impunity and reduce this type of crime.
In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.
Objectives: To analyze the perception of HIV positive women regarding the decision to become pregnant; investigate women's knowledge about HIV positive health care in the prevention of vertical transmission. Method: This is a descriptive and exploratory qualitative research. We used a script of questions and the interviews were taped and later transcribed. Results: The study revealed that positive serology for HIV is not a limiting factor for the decision to become pregnant. Although the fear of transmitting the virus is present, it is overcomed by the desire to be a mother and the expectation of having a healthy child. Conclusion: Reproductive decisions of HIV positive women should be valued during the health care assistance so they can make consciously, democratic and emancipatory life decisions.
ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns 'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
Objective: to examine the life trajectory of women with mastectomy members of a self-help group. Method: descriptive and exploratory study, with a qualitative approach, using the approach of the oral history of life as a methodological benchmark, meeting the operational phases. The participants were 20 women with mastectomy, whose narratives, considered discursive manifestations were submitted to the analysis of the collective subject discourse. Results: three thematic axes were elaborated, supported by their respective core ideas, each one was referent to before, during and after mastectomy: "to face life bravely" - "normal life", "separation", "change", "work" and "children"; "I have talked to God" - "prevention/care procedures", "diagnosis/treatment", "feelings/emotions" and "changes"; "reorganization with more objectivity and experience" - "creed", "change" and "feelings/emotions". Conclusion: it is recognized the need for studies into the mastectomy women to support public policies, or simply to enable health professionals to a humanized care.
