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This article focuses on the phenomenon of women who kill women in the context of India's dowry murders. Killing by females is rare, and killing of other females is rarer still. India's dowry deaths, where mothers-in-law are, next to husbands, the most accused and convicted, represents a unique opportunity to examine the mechanics around women who kill, especially in the context of a gender violence crime. The article examines both the roots of the dowry system and the current anti-dowry and dowry-violence legislation to demonstrate the implicit and accepted gender inequities within marriage that serve to under gird an overall system of female oppression within the marital relationship. This inequity is understood to be a positive aspect within marriage, but ironically negative within public Indian society. The article then considers various theories of agency and motivation from social science and feminist literature to answer why some women participate in oppressing other women in Indian society. Finally, the article notes some of the ways in which Indian courts are contributing to the oppressive power structure by limiting the application of the anti-dowry and dowry-violence laws.

In the new country of Timor-Leste, women constituted in 2011 32 per cent of the parliament, a relatively high figure in the world and in the region. But to what extent has the presence of women in parliament contributed to progress towards gender equality

In the new country of Timor-Leste, women constituted in 2011 32 per cent of the parliament, a relatively high figure in the world and in the region. But to what extent has the presence of women in parliament contributed to progress towards gender equality

Australian women activists have never been enthusiastic about federalism because of its reputation as a system that restricts the scope of government and obstructs the path of progressive social change. Like their sisters in other countries, women's groups have sought collectivist solutions to economic and social problems. In the last couple of decades, however, orthodox ideas about the restrictive impact of federalism have been questioned. A revisionist view has emerged, which holds that the system sometimes facilitates the adoption of innovative policies and may lead to an expansion of the role of government. The revisionist perspective raises the question of whether women's groups have been wise to oppose federalism. This article examines relevant Canadian and Australian studies in order to test the validity of orthodox and revisionist perspectives and to draw conclusions about appropriate feminist approaches to federalism. The evidence is mixed. The main argument of this article is that, to the extent that we can distinguish its independent effect, federalism sometimes obstructs policy development and sometimes facilitates it. There are serious methodological problems involved in trying to isolate the impact of the federal variable from the many factors that influence policy, making generalisations precarious. Experience, therefore, offers little guidance to women's groups seeking to decide whether to support centralised or decentralised decision-making structures. However, this study concludes that in the context of present Australianfederal arrangements, women are more likely to achieve their aims when the Commonwealth government takes action, either alone or in cooperation with sub-national jurisdictions.

Australian women activists have never been enthusiastic about federalism because of its reputation as a system that restricts the scope of government and obstructs the path of progressive social change. Like their sisters in other countries, women's groups have sought collectivist solutions to economic and social problems. In the last couple of decades, however, orthodox ideas about the restrictive impact of federalism have been questioned. A revisionist view has emerged, which holds that the system sometimes facilitates the adoption of innovative policies and may lead to an expansion of the role of government. The revisionist perspective raises the question of whether women's groups have been wise to oppose federalism. This article examines relevant Canadian and Australian studies in order to test the validity of orthodox and revisionist perspectives and to draw conclusions about appropriate feminist approaches to federalism. The evidence is mixed. The main argument of this article is that, to the extent that we can distinguish its independent effect, federalism sometimes obstructs policy development and sometimes facilitates it. There are serious methodological problems involved in trying to isolate the impact of the federal variable from the many factors that influence policy, making generalisations precarious. Experience, therefore, offers little guidance to women's groups seeking to decide whether to support centralised or decentralised decision-making structures. However, this study concludes that in the context of present Australianfederal arrangements, women are more likely to achieve their aims when the Commonwealth government takes action, either alone or in cooperation with sub-national jurisdictions.

The authors distinguish between women-targeted and women-positive programs, citing examples of unsuccessful education programs in South Africa that were targeted at women. They question the educational and political aims of these initiatives and suggest that women-positive programs foreground gender within a broader context of transformation involving both men and women.

According to research carried out by the Central Java provincial government in 2019, there are 13,415 poor people in the Demak Regency coastal area, where most people are fishers. The unstable income and the tendency of a consumer lifestyle followed by the weakness in money management are the main factors of poverty. Moreover, the covid-19 pandemic also aggravated the poverty of the coastal communities of the Demak Regency. Unfortunately for the coastal communities of the Demak Regency, the role of women is less significant because of the dominance of roles and cultural trends of patriarchy by men. Based on this, the coastal women there initiated a Women Support Women movement. This study used qualitative descriptive methods and a series of interviews and observations in its data retrieval. This study focused on identifying the form of the movement and explaining the impact on coastal women in Demak Regency to break out of the cycle of poverty and patriarchal culture. The results showed that the Women Support Women movement consists of individuals to the community, community to individuals, and community to community. There are three main actors in this movement: Forum Demak Hijau, Puspita Bahari, and Mrs. Pasijah. With this movement, coastal women in Demak Regency are proven to be able to contribute financially to their families, decreasing the patriarchal culture, and creating a trickle-down effect on others.

Citation: Hill, Grace Edna. Kansas women. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1898. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduction: The history of the Women of Kansas is so interwoven with the history of the state that it is almost impossible to tell their story without giving a part as the whole of the history of Kansas. It would take the inspiration of a poet, the eloquence of an orator, and the genius of a writer, to do justice to their sterling worth, their ambition and their endurance. Characters were developed, grand and noble, which exerted their influence in the years that followed, they deprived themselves of the comforts of life, and deemed no sacrifice too great which gave them the opportunity of educating their children. In the state today no truer, braver men and women ever lived, and it is this kind who has made an impress upon Kansas and her institutions. What Kansas is today, she owes to the foundations laid by her brave pioneers. Kansas has an eager restless spirit and her people are ever progressing. This spirit is manifested in the service of women as county superintendents, regents and professors of colleges, organizers of clubs in literary and art circles, in the industrial world and in almost every other line which could be mentioned.

The economic, social and political changes that have occurred in Russia over the last 10 years have had a profound effect on Russian women's lives. Economic reform has brought poverty, insecurity and high levels of anxiety and stress to much of the population, both male and female. The impact of these changes on women was amplified in the early 1990s by their structural positioning both within the workforce and within the population, brought about by the legacies of the Soviet planned economy, Soviet attitudes to gender and long established demographic trends. Alongside these historical influences, 'new' essentialist attitudes towards gender and the appropriate roles and responsibilities of women in post-Soviet Russian society have been strongly promoted through the media, political and social discourses, imposing new pressures and dilemmas on many post-Soviet Russian women. Numerous women's organisations have been established in Russia since the early 1990s, many of them with a specific remit of helping Russian women to overcome the upheavals and hardships which they face. Struggling to survive themselves with very few resources and minimal external support, Russia's grassroots women's organisations have nonetheless offered practical help and advice and emotional support and solidarity to their members. This paper is based on the findings of a period of intensive fieldwork carried out in 1995-6 with grassroots women's organisations in Moscow and three Russian provincial centres. It will present the aims, activities and impact of the groups studied. It will also investigate the ways in which these groups and their membership positioned themselves in relation to the development of essentialist attitudes and opinions on gender within Russia on the one hand, and a dialogue with 'western' feminist theory and practice on the other.