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Examines whether the rise of new social movements challenges traditional parties, focusing on problems posed by new values and issues such as the environment and women's rights; since the 1970s, chiefly. Summary in English. Some focus on Québec's two mainstream political parties, Partí Québécois, and the Liberal Party of Quebec.

International audience ; This article deals with women as a theme in the political campaign against migration and Islam led by the German party Alternative für Deutschland. The AfD is using women to create a cultural opposition between a post-patriarchal Germany and a sexist Orient where Islam and the violence of the men make it impossible for women's rights to be respected. Women's rights become then arguments in a nationalist propaganda shared by a party also known for its conservatism and antifeminism. ; Cet article revient sur la place des femmes dans la communication anti-migration et anti-Islam du parti allemand Alternative für Deutschland. En utilisant les femmes pour donner de la légitimité à ses positions, le parti cherche à construire une opposition irrémédiable entre une Allemagne post-patriarcale et un Orient sexiste, où l'Islam et la violence innée des hommes étrangers empêchent les droits des femmes d'être respectés. Les droits des femmes deviennent ainsi des arguments dans un discours de propagande nationaliste d'un parti pourtant conservateur et antiféministe.

International audience ; This article deals with women as a theme in the political campaign against migration and Islam led by the German party Alternative für Deutschland. The AfD is using women to create a cultural opposition between a post-patriarchal Germany and a sexist Orient where Islam and the violence of the men make it impossible for women's rights to be respected. Women's rights become then arguments in a nationalist propaganda shared by a party also known for its conservatism and antifeminism. ; Cet article revient sur la place des femmes dans la communication anti-migration et anti-Islam du parti allemand Alternative für Deutschland. En utilisant les femmes pour donner de la légitimité à ses positions, le parti cherche à construire une opposition irrémédiable entre une Allemagne post-patriarcale et un Orient sexiste, où l'Islam et la violence innée des hommes étrangers empêchent les droits des femmes d'être respectés. Les droits des femmes deviennent ainsi des arguments dans un discours de propagande nationaliste d'un parti pourtant conservateur et antiféministe.

The author places the beginnings of the "de-construction" of feminism in Romania in the timeframe between 1929 and 1944. It was a period of confrontation among the organisations and their leaders, especially within the two major organizations, respectively the Union of Romanian Women, with its leaders Maria Baiulescu and Elena Meissener, and the National Group of Romanian Women, represented by Alexandrina Cantacuzino. The theoretical conflict between the two associations concerned the participation of women in the structures of parties: the Union of Romanian Women was favourable to participation in the existing structures, while the National Group of Romanian Women sought to create a separate party of women. Meantime, some regulatory breakthroughs for women's participation in political affairs were the Administrative Law of 1929, granting women the right to vote in local elections (maintaining the electoral colleges based on class and property qualifications), and the Law of 1939 further extending women's suffrage to the general elections, as King Charles II's authoritarian regime planned the inclusion of women in the Front of National Rebirth. In the conditions of WWII, the Romanian feminist movement underwent a change in emphasis from a preoccupation with political rights, to the destiny of soldiers of the front, and a return to the initial purpose of charity. This shift is also due to the authoritarian regime of Antonescu, which forced women to reinitiate the charity programme, one that was never really abandoned, but which had been somewhat shadowed by the struggle for political rights.

In 2010, the marriage of an Indian sportswoman to a Pakistani man has triggered heated debates in India and Pakistan. Perceived as treason by Indian nationalists, this union has been celebrated in Pakistan as a victory, but also as a promise of better relations between the two nations. These debates underscore the imbrications of the notions of family and nation, as well as the sexual nature of the two countries' relationship. Interpreted in its historical and legal contexts, this affair reveals the role of gender representations in the construction of the Indian and Pakistani national projects. Women's sexual autonomy is simultaneously considered as a sign of "modernity" and as a threat against the nation's integrity. The Indo-Pakistani relationship, marked by the colonial legacy, underlines the ambiguities of a "sexual nationalism", which combines the defense of women's rights with the control of their sexuality. Adapted from the source document.

This research analyzes the preconditions and forms of women's advocacy within the state, based on a comparative study of the activities of governmental bodies in charge of furthering women's status in France and Quebec since the 1960s. The theoretical framework integrates a comparative and historical sociology of the state with inputs from sociolegal studies, social movements theory and the sociology of gender. The research draws on archives, as well as interviews with the heads and administrations of these governmental bodies. Beyond an analysis of the genesis and institutionalization of women's advocacy within the state, the main focus is on the way « women's cause » is defined in this particular institutional setting. In this respect, based on the comparative analysis of women's policy in France and Quebec, two different definitions of women's cause (or « referentials ») can be identified, the former focusing on equal employment, and the latter on financial autonomy. These differences, in so far as they relate to distinct attitudes towards family issues, can be linked to differences in the relationships between feminism and familialism in each sociohistorical context. Indeed, comparative analysis shows that the context-specific balance of powers and the various relationships that may unfold between women's rights advocates and family values advocates, within and without the state (state agencies, social movements, experts), influence the way women's cause is conceived within the state. First inferred from an analysis of the general directions of women's policy, this influence is then demonstrated based on a more specific study of the strategies developed by women's policy agencies in the legal debates regarding the financial consequences of divorce (alimony, compensatory allowance, definition of the matrimonial regimes). ; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux conditions de possibilité et aux modalités de défense de la cause des femmes dans l'appareil d'Etat, à partir d'une étude comparative des instances gouvernementales ayant pour mission officielle de promouvoir le statut des femmes en France et au Québec depuis les années 1960. Prenant appui sur les archives de ces instances ainsi que sur des entretiens avec leurs responsables et leur personnel, cette recherche relève d'une sociologie historique et comparative de l'Etat, intégrant les apports de la sociologie du droit, du genre et des mouvements sociaux. Au-delà de l'analyse de la genèse et de la consolidation des institutions étudiées, cette thèse s'intéresse à la manière dont la cause des femmes est définie en leur sein. De ce point de vue, l'analyse comparative permet d'identifier deux référentiels distincts de la politique à l'égard des femmes en France et au Québec, l'un centré sur l'égalité professionnelle et l'autre sur l'autonomie économique. Ces différences, en tant qu'elles engagent des rapports distincts aux questions familiales, peuvent être reliées à une économie différente des relations entre féminisme et familialisme dans chaque contexte socio-historique. La démarche comparative permet ainsi de montrer comment le rapport de force et les relations variables entre défenseurs de la cause des femmes et défenseurs de la cause de la famille, à l'intérieur comme à l'extérieur de l'Etat (instances gouvernementales, mouvements sociaux, producteurs d'expertise), influencent la définition de la cause des femmes dans l'Etat. Cette influence est d'abord établie à partir d'une analyse des orientations d'ensemble de la politique à l'égard des femmes, puis à partir d'une étude plus ciblée portant sur les interventions des instances étudiées dans les débats juridiques ayant trait aux conséquences financières du divorce (pensions alimentaires, prestation compensatoire, définition des régimes matrimoniaux).

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

17 pages ; The question of human rights has become central to our contemporary world. Values that convey this concept are considered (and not only in Western civilization) as points of reference required and universal criteria for judging the legitimacy of a political regime or ideology. At these rights were added in many countries other rights that may be termed specific child rights, women's rights, rights of the elderly, disabled, or animal rights (which raises the question of whether the animal can be considered as a subject of law). The problem is to know what is the status of these specific rights (we will not discuss here the question of animal rights as we are another problematic) with respect to human rights themselves. They come in addition to human rights? Which could be implied that human rights are insufficient to guarantee the freedoms of everyone, even that might suggest that some individuals are not men as well as others that require the declaration of rights that would be clean. Talk about women's rights are different rights, is it not an insidious to sever women from the rest of humanity? ; La question des droits de l'homme est devenue centrale dans notre monde contemporain. Les valeurs que véhiculent cette notion sont considérées (et pas seulement dans la civilisation occidentale) comme des repères obligés et des critères universels pour juger de la légitimité d'un régime politique ou d'une idéologie. À ces droits sont venus s'ajouter dans de nombreux pays d'autres droits que l'on peut qualifier de spécifiques, droits de l'enfant, droits des femmes, droits des personnes âgées, des handicapées, voire droits des animaux (ce qui pose la question de savoir si l'animal peut être considéré comme un sujet de droit). Le problème est donc de savoir quel est le statut de ces droits spécifiques (nous n'aborderons pas ici la question des droits des animaux qui relèvent selon nous d'une autre problématique) relativement aux droits de l'homme eux-mêmes. Viennent-ils s'ajouter aux droits de l'homme ? Ce qui ...

International audience ; Abortion is a fertility regulation practice that women use in the absence of contraception or when contraceptives fail. Laws regulating this practice in different countries range from allowing it on request to restrictive access and even total prohibition. Where the right to abortion is established, it is frequently challenged. Debates around legalization are centred on the rights of women, the rights of the embryo, and the health consequences of unsafe abortions. But whether abortion is legal or prohibited, women around the world resort to it, with great disparities in the intensity of the practice and its health and social consequences. Levels of safety of abortions varies widely between countries and regions (safe, less safe, and least safe). They have improved with the spread of medical abortion, particularly in countries with legal limits on access, where they replace riskier methods. The available data are highly heterogeneous: from healthcare statistics in countries where abortion is legal, to survey data of varying levels of completeness, and including the use of sophisticated methods to estimate levels in countries where legal access is restricted. ; L'avortement est une pratique de régulation de la fécondité utilisée par les femmes en cas d'absence ou d'échec de la contraception. Les législations régulant sa pratique vont, selon les pays, de l'autorisation à la demande de la femme à un accès restrictif voire une interdiction totale. Lorsqu'il est acquis, ce droit est fréquemment remis en question. Les débats entourant la légalisation se centrent sur le droit des femmes, celui de l'embryon et les conséquences sanitaires des avortements non sécurisés. Mais légal ou interdit, les femmes du monde entier recourent à l'avortement, avec de grandes disparités dans l'intensité de sa pratique et de ses conséquences sanitaires et sociales. Les niveaux de sécurité de l'avortement sont divers dans le monde (avortement sécurisé, à risque modéré ou grave), mais se sont améliorés avec la ...

The article focuses on the comparison between the Romanian and the Belgian feminisms between the Wars. The author presents the evolution of political parties and of feminism in Romania and in Belgium, continues with the presentation of the actions of feminists to obtain the political rights and ends with a comparative approach of the feminists' discourses. Thus, the author points to a number of strong resemblances concerning the two feminisms as doctrines, as well as in what concerns the praxis, with similar types of actions in view of obtaining political rights. In fact, between the Wars, the Romanian feminism was attempting to integrate in the great network of international feminism. However, while Romania used the Belgian model for its own constitutional and political development, there were also important differences between the two countries. The article stresses the national specificity of Romania and Belgium, observing the independence of Romanian feminists "vis-a-vis" the parties versus the enrolment of women in political parties in Belgium, the political regime of the two countries being another object of this research.