A Matter of Survival: Women's Right to Employment in India and Bangladesh
In: Women, Culture, and Development, S. 37-58
166 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Women, Culture, and Development, S. 37-58
In: Which Rights Should Be Universal?, S. 87-112
Feminists in Ireland faced a particularly patriarchal state, which has essentially relegated women to the domestic role. Under some pressure from feminists, three state agencies for women have been formed in the last two decades: the Employment Equality Agency in 1977, the Ministry of State for Women's Affairs (MSWA) in 1982, & the Joint Oiteachtas Committee of Women's Rights (JOCWR) in 1983. The origins, organization, activities, role in the policy process, & linkages to women's organizations of the MSWA (1982-1987) & the JOCWR up to 1993 are described. Reports & legislation produced by the MSWA & the JOCWR underline the important role these policy structures have played in Ireland in expediting social change for women. However, major issues such as divorce & abortion remain outside their scope. M. Pflum
In: Critical Theory; Women, Feminist Identity and Society in the 1980s, S. 63-63
In: Women and politics in Asia: a springboard for democracy?, S. 71-96
An exploration of cases in which multicultural accommodation allows the systematic maltreatment of individuals within a particular religious/cultural group argues that the intragroup oppression of women must not be accepted as an unavoidable consequence of tolerating cultural differences in a liberal society. The greater vulnerability of women than men in minority groups is discussed in relation to the demarcating & distributive functions of family law. Two current approaches to family law are described as "secular absolutist" & "religious particularist" models. An assessment of each approach's division of legal authority indicates that neither model provides a satisfactory balance between cultural preservation through family law accommodation & the protection of women's rights. An alternative multicultural approach to family law accommodation is suggested. This "joint-governance" model honors identity preservation while simultaneously seeking to provide women living in nomoi groups with the legal protections guaranteed to all citizens. Instead of forcing women to make a difficult choice, it provides women with the leverage to renegotiate oppressive family law traditions from within their cultural communities. J. Lindroth
In: Citizenship in Diverse Societies, S. 199-223
In: Women's Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, S. 19-40
In: Women's Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, S. 211-233
In: Women's Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, S. 57-73
Offers a broad historical overview of the evolution of thinking & activism since the Middle Ages regarding the human rights of women & gender equality. Though focus is on the North, it is argued that the struggle for women's rights undoubtedly transpired similarly in the countries of the South; however, documentation is sparse until the 20th century. It is suggested that the earliest advocates of women's rights were those educators who believed that, by learning to read, women would be freed to explore the world outside the domestic sphere. This drive to define women's rights & eliminate sex-based discrimination is linked to larger movements toward democratization & concern over universal human rights. The 18th-century origins of feminism are traced, & major figures in the battle for women's rights over the next 2 centuries are identified. The insertion of larger political bodies (eg, the UN) into local & national struggles is described, & progress made toward ensuring that women have the same human rights as men is evaluated at the dawn of the 21st century. K. Hyatt Stewart
Offers a broad historical overview of the evolution of thinking & activism since the Middle Ages regarding the human rights of women & gender equality. Though focus is on the North, it is argued that the struggle for women's rights undoubtedly transpired similarly in the countries of the South; however, documentation is sparse until the 20th century. It is suggested that the earliest advocates of women's rights were those educators who believed that, by learning to read, women would be freed to explore the world outside the domestic sphere. This drive to define women's rights & eliminate sex-based discrimination is linked to larger movements toward democratization & concern over universal human rights. The 18th-century origins of feminism are traced, & major figures in the battle for women's rights over the next 2 centuries are identified. The insertion of larger political bodies (eg, the UN) into local & national struggles is described, & progress made toward ensuring that women have the same human rights as men is evaluated at the dawn of the 21st century. K. Hyatt Stewart
Considers how women's health is impacted by their status, roles, & rights in the larger society, & describes how efforts to improve women's health can benefit from larger human-rights-oriented efforts. Inequalities in women's health are linked to inequities in their opportunities for equal pay for equal work, education, & political participation. Guidelines for the promotion of women's health are outlined, along with the provisions of national laws & international covenants designed to protect women's health rights. The most pressing health problems facing contemporary women are reviewed, including human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS), domestic violence, rape, male child sex preferences, female genital mutilation/circumcision, adolescent pregnancy & access to family planning, & general reproductive rights/access to pharmaceuticals. Implications for global health policy are considered. K. Hyatt Stewart
Describes the continued violation of women's basic human rights in contemporary Muslim societies & its justification in the name of tradition, religion, the social order, morality, &/or culture. Particular concern is expressed regarding the increasingly radical & fundamentalist manifestations of Islam over the last quarter of the 20th century, arguing that this has contributed to the rise of a state of "gender apartheid" in these countries. Islamist discourse on women's rights is analyzed, noting several ambiguities. It is argued, however, that neither Islam itself nor Muslim culture can be held responsible for perpetuating women's subjugation; rather, this situation is brought about by male political elites who misrepresent the patriarchal structure as one mandated by religion & culture, thus justifying women's continued subordination. The constraints Muslim women confront when they attempt to rebel against this situation & assert their human rights demonstrate the powerful forces of cultural & political factors in maintaining the (unequal) status quo, even in the face of international law calling for sexual equality. K. Hyatt Stewart
In: Sex & Social Justice, S. 81-117