Suchergebnisse

En prenant appui sur les théories de l'intersectionnalité et postcoloniales, cet article se propose d'explorer les nouvelles grammaires de l'injustice sociale lorsqu'on prend au sérieux le caractère coextensif du capitalisme, du sexisme et du racisme conçus comme systèmes sociaux globaux et de dégager la signification des luttes sociales qui se développent contre ces injustices. Dans la première partie, en prenant appui sur les analyses de Young concernant les diverses facettes de l'injustice et sur celles de Renault qui propose une problématisation théorique de l'injustice, il est fait mention des procédés de domination/assujettissement qui confortent ces injustices. La deuxième partie s'appuie sur la notion de subjectivation politique développée par Rancière pour soutenir que les mouvements de luttes contre l'injustice ne peuvent se réduire à des mouvements identitaires, même s'ils sont susceptibles de recourir à ce que Spivak qualifie « d'essentialisme stratégique », et relèvent plutôt d'une volonté de rendre le monde véritablement commun. C'est d'ailleurs ce qui explique le recours au langage des droits pour construire ce monde commun en tentant d'échapper aux logiques de la domination.

Interview with Prince Moulay Hicham, a cousin of Morocco's King Mohammed VI, on outlook for the Arab world; argues that injustice and frustrations provide fertile ground for Islamic fundamentalism and that Morocco has a long way to go before becoming a true democracy. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 385 and 397.

International audience ; The movie National Gallery by Frederick Wise­man is here considered, in an ethno-semiotic point of view, as a public representation of different tensions the museums have today to bear in the context of cultural industries: realties thatfield inves­tigations have constantly pointed out. As some approaches focus on political interventions in the management of museums or on the stakes of the process of cultural heritage itself, we study here how cinematographic writing contributes to shape an economy of media making some conceptions of culture, institution, museum work visible or invisible. After decades devoted to the critic of idea­lized conceptions of culture, a particular collaboration between a museum and a cinematographic opus gives a new life to a magic space of culture and art, by operating an original cross media structure. The paper shows that the forms and resources of film lead to a renewed interpretation of the division of work between media and mediation. The film develops a conception of the way people meet art, gives a fragile picture of the world of museum, and shows the tensions it has to cope with. ; La película de Frederick Wiseman de la Natio­nal Gallery es tratada bajo un enfoque etno-semiótico, como un dispositivo de representación analizado a partir de lo que los estu­dios de campo muestran sobre las tensiones vividas en el contexto de las industrias culturales. A lado de los enfoques centrados sobre la intervención de lo político en la gestión del museo o sobre el sentido político del trabajo de patrimonialización, se trata, a través del estudio de la escritura cinematográfica, de describir los efectos de la economía de la mediatización que hacen visibles e invisibles las concepciones de la cultura, de la institución, del trabajo museístico. Tras décadas de crítica de las concepciones idealizadas de la cultura, la colaboración particular entre un museo y una obra cinematográfica reactiva un espacio mágico del arte y de la cultura, al jugar una operación mediática ...

Titre de départ. ; Daté et signé: Donné à l'archevêché . mil huit cent soixante-et-un . C.F., évêque de Tloa, administrateur. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

In 2008, the World Bank has dedicated its "Annual Report on Development" to agriculture. This had not been the case for 25 years. It shows that agricultural growth is more effective than other sectors to reduce poverty. The agricultural labor productivity of the agricultural workforce is paradoxically barely mentioned: its explanatory factors for the short term as its structural variables in the long term are not analyzed. This thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of the dynamic relationship between demography and non-agricultural development with agricultural development (increased productivity of agricultural labor). Under what demo-economic conditions can the structural transformation of an economy (i.e. the decline in the relative weight of the agricultural sector in the economy (workers and value added)) be accompanied by agricultural development? While an industrial or service sector that develops generally attracts workers, is there an opposite relationship in the agricultural sector? Does the agricultural sector have to lose its workers to develop? Has an agricultural sector ever developed in a context of continuous growth in the number of agricultural workers? Our main (hypo)thesis is that the dynamic combination of factors « land » and « agricultural worker », whose resultant is the « agricultural area worked per agricultural worker », is the real key to agricultural development, more than the productivity of the land.We analyze the determinants of the level and of the growth rate of the agricultural labor productivity over the 1980-2007 period, at different geographical levels. Special focus is put on the evolution of the « number of agricultural workers », using different sets of data (international, national, field surveys data), at different scales (world, Mexico, and 31 federal states 2400 Mexican municipalities) and with various methods (factor decomposition, maps, hierarchical ascending classifications, statistical inference, field surveys of farming households).Globally, we ...

Während der 50er und 60er Jahre stellten Dynamik und Prozesse des internationalen Umfelds keinen konstituierenden Faktor chinesischer Politik dar, mit Ausnahme der Beziehungen zur Sowjetunion, deren revolutionäres Modell integriert und modifiziert wurde. Seit Mitte der 70er Jahre betreibt die chinesiche Elite die Rückkehr des Landes in die internationale Gemeinschaft ('espace cardinal') und sucht auf der Grundlage innergesellschaftlicher Bewertungskriterien nach einer Neudefinition der Rolle Chinas im internationalen System. (AuD-Fsk)

The ideas, right or wrong, philosophers of the economy and politics are more important than you think in general. Indeed the world is almost exclusively led by them. Men of action who think of perfectly liberated doctrinal influences are usually the slaves of some economist happening. Adapted from the source document.

Unlike the two World Wars of the 20th century, the cold war did not end in a major international arrangement that would decide who won and who lost and organize legally the relations across the world and among the states. This "unconditional peace" allowed the East-European elites to turn from communists to democrats without having to amend their strategic vision. Most postcommunist governments, often times styled and led by ex-communists, had not only joined NATO and the European Union naturally, but would also unconditionally support american foreign politics for the simple and compelling reason that the US is the victor of the cold war.

The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

Claude Lefort's study of phenomenology provides a hermeneutic that apprehends, as far as practices & comportments, an intentional orientation. The relationship between the rights of man & Lefort's hermeneutic is examined to show that the true meaning of the rights of man is world rights. An attempt is made to show in what sense the rights of man, as rights of the world, constitute the resource for a resistance to contemporary forms of "calculated existence," & are inscribed in world planning & regulation. Politics that affirm the rights of man would not be possible today without the philosophy of Lefort. Only because he shows the path of a hermeneutic of the rights of man, a politic of the rights of man becomes implicit to the form of regulation. C. Vogelei