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The 'socioenvironmental state' conceptualisation probes how contested, shifting, emergent boundaries of the state contain the possibilities for transformative change in the Anthropocene. The paper outlines a research programme capable of addressing the questions: who becomes authorised to govern change, who is required to make changes on the ground, and what subjectivities and pathways emerge in the context of rapid rate change? The conceptualisation unpacks three boundaries: state– society, its socionatural emergence, and the relationships between boundary-making and belonging to address these questions and better account for the successes and failures of attempts at governing an uncertain, rapidly changing world. In this analysis, 'environmental change' arises as a stochastic, relational becoming – ecologies and resources are emergent with the social-politics of governing them – suggesting that more analytical attention is required on how 'environmental challenges' and their 'drivers of change' are conceived and delimited. Together, these theoretical insights help reveal the way that the micro-politics of local resource use and the contradictory acceptance and refusals of authority and subjection are not only products of, but also productive of, larger scale political economies, socionatures, governance, and political struggles. The aim is to contribute towards a reimagination of political authority that begins to capture the complex interplay between our attempts at governing a changing world and the inadvertent authorisations, inclusions, and exclusions that we produce in those efforts. The paper partially illustrates the conceptual ideas with an account of forestry and climate change in Nepal. In a context wherein programmes to govern resources have become of global concern, probing the implications of these points is crucial. It is not only that states govern resources with particular consequences for 'environmental change' or 'sustainability', but also that the act of governing resources (re)produces the socioenvironmental boundaries of the state with profound implications for how future transformations can unfold.

The year 1989 was both in Poland and in many other European countries, which were in the sphere of the Soviet influences, the beginning of revolutionary changes: political, economie, social and cultural ones. They also influenced the Polish language of politics which has changed radically for the last 20 years. An important reason for a variety of styles and registers is the instability of the Polish political scene, the abundance of political parties, constantly forming new parliamentary groups and government coalitions, and the disappearance of the others. In the language of the contemporary politics the lexis is particularly extensive and includes thousands of words referring to the public life of the Poles. The major point of the article is the claim that the language of contemporary politics is getting poorer, loses its elegance and becomes more and more primitive. The author sees the reasons for this pauperization in the trends of contemporary culture. He shows the main features of the phenomenon: a turn towards commonness and informality, an emotionality of expressions, a hermetic vision of the world, an impossibility of a dialogue and an increase in populist attitudes.

The following article has a nature of a scientific essay and concerns the issues of "American exceptionalism" phenomenon still present in public debates. In spite of the fact that it has been permanently present in the US politics for many years and has its own premises resulting from the fist independence declarations and Constitution, it has the ups and downs.The fundamental aim of that essay is to answer the question – to what extent exceptionalism and American uniqueness connected with it is important in politics of that country and world politics. Do the phenomenon of terrorism and the attitude of the USA to human rights go hand in hand with the idea of issues raised in that text?The source basis for writing that article were the most important titles concerning the examined item and general conclusions of the Author after studying them.

The following article has a nature of a scientific essay and concerns the issues of "American exceptionalism" phenomenon still present in public debates. In spite of the fact that it has been permanently present in the US politics for many years and has its own premises resulting from the fist independence declarations and Constitution, it has the ups and downs.The fundamental aim of that essay is to answer the question – to what extent exceptionalism and American uniqueness connected with it is important in politics of that country and world politics. Do the phenomenon of terrorism and the attitude of the USA to human rights go hand in hand with the idea of issues raised in that text?The source basis for writing that article were the most important titles concerning the examined item and general conclusions of the Author after studying them.

The purpose of the paper is to present the images of career women in the Arab world, and in particular to demonstrate different paths taken by them to success. An important topic is also how such women are perceived by the public. In the study, the term success is objectified and results primarily from the position occupied by women in the social hierarchy2 , especially in the politics and business (including show business). So far the problem of career women in the Arab world (and in abroader sense: in the Muslim world) has not been an object of studies or analyses, the more difficult it is, therefore, to discuss the images shaped. Thus, this is apreliminary study with aresearch base constituted by images of twelve women. (fragment of the text) ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wizerunków kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim oraz ukazanie różnorodności sposobów osiągania przez nie sukcesu. Istotnym wątkiem jest także odbiór społeczny takich kobiet. W opracowaniu pojęcie sukcesu ma wymiar zobiektywizowany i wynika przede wszystkim z miejsca zajmowanego przez kobiety w hierarchii społecznej, zwłaszcza w polityce oraz w biznesie (w tym show-biznesie). Problematyka kobiet sukcesu w świecie arabskim (i szerzej: muzułmańskim) nie była jak dotychczas przedmiotem badań i analiz, tym trudniej jest więc mówić o kształtowanych wizerunkach. Niniejsze opracowanie ma zatem charakter wstępnego studium, a podstawę badawczą stanowią sylwetki dwunastu kobiet. (fragment tekstu)

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to present selected problems of the democratic system in Poland and to propose directions of development improving its operation. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem was to check whether the implementation of modern organizational concepts and ICT solutions can contribute to a more efficient exercise of democratic power and increase its quality? The basic method was both the analysis of public opinion polls on various aspects of the Polish democracy system and a review of the literature on concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presents the results of public opinion surveys on democracy and its individual areas of operation. The second section presents concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems and its mechanisms. The third section presents selected problems of democracy in Poland and proposals for their changes based on the assumptions of concepts and theories discussed in the second part of the article. RESEARCH RESULTS: The crisis of confidence in the current model of democracy results from the mismatch between its form and development challenges. The implementation of both the concept of e-democracy proposed by the European Parliament and organizational solutions based on the assumptions of concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems should contribute to increase the effectiveness of democracy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Despite the huge number of publications in the literature and press devoted to democracy, the main focus was either on the assessment of the current state of the system or its elements, or scientific theories related to a given area of democracy. Occasionally, ad hoc proposals for change were indicated, but in this case, they were mostly, without a deeper and broad view of the entire democratic system. This article overcomes the above limitations by combining the assessment of the current perception of democracy with scientific theory, which at the same time provides the basis for proposals for systemic solutions to improve the effectiveness of democracy. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów systemu demokratycznego w Polsce oraz zaproponowanie kierunków rozwoju, poprawiających jego działanie. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Problem badawczy dotyczył sprawdzenia czy wdrożenie założeń nowoczesnych koncepcji organizacyjnych i rozwiązań teleinformatycznych może przyczynić się do sprawniejszego sprawowania demokratycznej władzy, a także podwyższenia jej jakości? Podstawową metodą była zarówno analiza badań opinii publicznej o różnych aspektach polskiego systemu demokracji, jak i przegląd literatury przedmiotu dotyczącej koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych. PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej części przedstawiono wyniki badań opinii publicznej o demokracji i jej poszczególnych obszarach działania. W drugiej części zaprezentowano koncepcje i teorie naukowe, związane z badaniem systemów demokratycznych i jego mechanizmów. Trzecia część przedstawia wybrane problemy demokracji w Polsce i propozycje ich zmian, opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii omówionych w drugiej części artykułu. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Kryzys zaufania do obecnego modelu demokracji wynika z niedopasowania jej formy do wyzwań rozwojowych. Wdrożenie zarówno koncepcji e-demokracji proponowanej przez Parlament Europejski, jak i rozwiązań organizacyjnych opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych, powinno przyczynić się do zwiększenia sprawności działania demokracji. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Pomimo ogromnej liczby publikacji w literaturze przedmiotu oraz prasie poświęconej demokracji, to przeważnie skupiano się albo na ocenie obecnego stanu systemu lub jego elementów, albo teoriach naukowych związanych z danym obszarem demokracji. Sporadycznie wskazywano ad hoc propozycje zmian, jednak i w tym przypadku miały one przeważnie charakter bieżącego reagowania na negatywne zjawiska, bez głębszego spojrzenia na cały system demokracji. W niniejszym artykule przezwyciężono powyższe ograniczenia poprzez połączenie oceny obecnego postrzegania demokracji z teorią naukową, które jednocześnie stanowią podstawy propozycji rozwiązań systemowych mających poprawić sprawność działania demokracji.

For the past decade the focus of the U.S. security policy has been changing. After a period of global American hegemony, which took place at the end of the Cold War, the international position of the country is declining; countries such as China, India, Brazil, Russia are moving alongside the United States and Europe as centres of power. Focusing U.S. interest on Asia and the Pacifi c ("Asia Pacifi c pivot") causes a reduction of its interests in Europe. Given these trends U.S and EU policymakers face the challenge to redefine their security and defence cooperation. This applies both to the acquisition by European allies more responsibility for their own safety as well as to develop new mechanisms for cooperation on the line US-NATO-EU relations. The article aims to answer about the current situation and perspectives of EU's place and role in U.S. security policy in the context of redistribution of power in the world politics. The analysis is carried out in the neorealistic paradigm.

This thesis aims to explain how small states, in this case Sweden, security politics adapts to new circumstances after great conflicts in the 20th century. The analytical model is built by a combination of the opposite theories of international politics, realism and idealism, combined with actor based and structure based perspectives and thus creating a four field analytical matrix. The empirical foundation constitutes of three post conflict periods; post-first world war, post-second world war and post-cold war periods. For every period three cases are analyzed; one foreign politics initiative, one association to an international organization and one defence politics decision. In the post-first world war period the focus is on the Swedish intervention of the Åland archipelago, the association to the League of Nations and disarmament decision in 1925. In the post-second world war period the focus is on the association of Sweden to the United Nations, the Swedish initiative to a Scandinavian defence alliance and the defence decision of 1948. In the post-cold war period the focus is on the Swedish association to the European Union, the Swedish participation in the NATO led IFOR operation in Bosnia and the defence decision in 1996. The main conclusions of these investigations are that small states, like Sweden, both are restricted in their foreign and security politics by international structures and able to use the same structure to promote their interests. Time is a key element for analyzing both structural and actor based aspects of a small states capacity. Also, in the case of Sweden, there tends to be a tension between an idealistic dominated politics and a realistic dominated politics when it comes to foreign and security politics, and that idealism seems to have increased in the latter period.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.