Suchergebnisse

The most important problem of the modern stage of development of society in national states, including in the Russian Federation, is the problem of social protection of the poorest people and young people in difficult life and economic situations. This problem is raised within the framework of the article.

The article is devoted to urban identity as a socio-cultural, psychological and emotional construct determined by a number of factors. As a significant component of social identity, urban identity is determined by how strong an individual's social ties are, whether he is included in long-term stable social groups, which, in turn, forms an emotional assessment of such identity in relation to «his» and «strangers», as well as group values, social norms, stereotypes, behavioral patterns. The author of the article presents the characteristics of urban identity as a result of self-determination of personality, its socialization and adaptation in a particular urban space, in the process of assimilation and reproduction of cultural symbols, accepted norms, traditions, lifestyle of city residents. The relevance of the study of urban identity is determined by the peculiarities of the urban environment and urban lifestyle: the author of the article puts forward a tendency to increase the mobility of the population and a decrease in the role of physical space in the life of a modern person as factors that can create barriers to the formation of a conscious urban identity. The article proves that the self-consciousness and personal identity of city residents are largely determined by various aspects of the cultural space of the city. The impossibility of perceiving urban space in its integrity does not hinder personal identity and self-determination, and the possibility of implementing the social practices of its residents forms their emotional attachment to the city. The formation of urban identity is conditioned by stable, changeable and symbolic factors. The author of the article also identifies parameters that allow assessing the degree of urban identity, among which the uniqueness of the city, identity and positivity of its perception play a decisive role in modern Russian society, which, in turn, determines in many ways the practical potential of urban identity. The conclusion is made about the importance of urban identity among other values of Russians, because active emotional experience and active embodiment of the urban identity of individuals and social groups contributes to the comprehensive economic, social and political development of modern Russian society.

The article is devoted to domestic (family) violence in modern Russian society. The problem of domestic violence has long ceased to be an individual's problem. It harms not only the victim, but also the state and society as a whole. Every year in Russia, 14,000 women die at the hands of their husbands. In Russia, domestic violence was first officially reported in the early 1990s. It is necessary to take into account the fact that in the past centuries the patriarchal family dominated, in which women occupied subordinate positions. The woman had to obey her husband unquestioningly and endure the beatings. Children were brought up in the same way. Corporal punishment was mandatory in the family. There is no specific law against domestic violence in our country. Domestic violence also abhors moral and ethical values.

The authors looked at causes, varieties, statistics, cycles, the effects of domestic violence and ways to prevent domestic abuse in modern society. There are several forms of violence: physical, psychological, sexual and economic. The consequences of domestic violence are: self-harm, mental disorders, sleep disturbances, depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, alcohol or drug use, etc. Properly coordinated work by health care, law enforcement, and social services agencies can play an important role in preventing domestic violence. At the same time, both individual and general social prevention with young people should be carried out in order to prevent domestic violence and, of course, to introduce a law against domestic violence.

The article discusses the main characteristics of modern art journalism, which allow us to assert its anthropocentricity. It is proved that the subject of creativity, which creates artistic images, as well as the work itself as a reflection of the value picture of the artist's world, his worldview and ideological concept are the subject of reception and analysis of art journalism. The anthropocentricity of art journalism as a whole is obvious because art itself is anthropocentric. However, in modern conditions of globalization and the development of postmodern worldview, the anthropocentricity of art journalism is undergoing certain transformations. The specificity of art discourse lies, first of all, in a pronounced appraisal and authorial modality, and the very representation of a work of art in a media text is determined by the level of professionalism and the degree of talent of its producer, as well as the social recognition of the artist and the very status of the work of art, determined by the interest of the public in it, the artist's innovation, the demand for a particular genre in the art industry. In the text-discursive space of mass art journalism, one can find the most revealing cases of interaction between institutional, professional and everyday discourses, which, on the one hand, significantly characterizes modern art journalism from the standpoint of its anthropocentricity, and on the other hand, allows us to evaluate the dynamic transformations inherent in it in postmodern conditions. The postmodern worldview deprives the art discourse of any stable coordinates in terms of terminology or the presence of professional art criticism competencies in an art journalist. A positive assessment in the discourse of art journalism is aimed at reflecting success, the predominance of the best qualities in the interpreted object, which is further enhanced by the use of art criticism terminological apparatus, however, texts with ambiguous evaluation and authorial modality are also presented in the text-discursive space.

The current socio-demographic situation in Russia is characterized by an increase in the proportion of people who need social services, namely, older people and people with disabilities. As a rule, these groups of people are not only limited in material resources, but also often deprived of the possibility of implementing minimal social ties, communication, and cultural entertainment. The provision of social services is implemented at the local level, but the limited municipal budgets do not fully satisfy the needs of citizens, and payment for services for this category of needy is inaccessible. Social protection services within the framework of state policy provide various types of material services to low-income citizens, but they do not have such a socio-economic effect that would be fully able to solve the problems of this category of people, therefore the quality of life of the vulnerable groups of the population is characterized by extremely limited opportunities and a wide range of practically unsolvable needs. The purpose of the scientific article is to determine the urgent needs of those in need and identify the reserves of additional assistance for citizens in difficult life situations based on data from in-depth interviews. The questions of the insufficiency of the use of the state's most powerful resource of volunteering when popularizing the activities of volunteers and creating appropriate conditions for it are raised. Discusses on the legitimacy of the identification of the concepts of "volunteering" and "volunteering", which are traditionally considered identical in the works of domestic researchers, legal acts. It has been established that people with disabilities need communication, joint leisure activities, assistance in attending events and just mobility, computer literacy training. It is emphasized that the word "volunteer" is perceived by our compatriots as borrowed, not evoking emotionally colored associations, contrary to its national character, the word "volunteer", on the contrary, is noted as one's, native – a person of good will, kind, merciful. Summarized, the experience of the territories in which volunteering is developed shows that volunteers are united not only by the focus and nature of the activity, but also by the territory in which they interact, and this fact is a powerful factor in securing a person in the region, which is especially important for the regions of the Far East and especially the Jewish Autonomous Region.

The article presents the results of the study, the subject matter of which are the public programs of building Information and Post-information society in Japan. The purpose of the study is to identify the real vector of social development of one of the most developed countries of the world - Japan, in order to formulate a possible development landmark for the foreseeable future for Russia. The study reveals the influence of improving information and building post-information society on the process of Japan's transition to the paradigm of sustainable development; examines the specificity of building the information and post-information society in Japan; analyses the most important factors and strategies of joint efforts of the government and business aimed at the country's sustainable development. The author cames to the conclusion that the informational society as a society based on information and communication technologies (ICT) and knowledge, represents a real vector of social development for the foreseeable future and presupposes a corresponding state policy.

This article analyzes the most important political, social, ethical problems of modern society – lies in the media, "fake news" as an indicator of the degradation of the media, civil society institutions, and the authorities. The article analyzes the information processes of modern society, states the influence of fake news on political processes. The article reveals the importance of the political culture of society and the negative perception of fake news. This phenomenon is considered in the context of the informational picture of the world, the need of the authorities to abuse the institution of journalism as an agent of influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study notes the role of the linguistic factor in the implementation of the functions of manipulating society, reducing the level of citizens' trust in the state. The article attempts to reveal the role of social networks in promoting fake news. On the example of the secondary interpretation of the results of a sociological survey in the United States, the negative perception of fake news by society is revealed. The survey results indicate the growth of inequality and prejudice in society. The article concludes about the social turbulence of the processes of modern society. ; В данной статье анализируется важнейшая политическая, социальная, этическая проблемы современного общества – ложь в СМИ, «фейк-ньюс» как индикатор деградации СМИ, институтов гражданского общества, власти. В статье анализируются информационные процессы современного общества, констатируется влияние фейк ньюс на политические процессы. В статье раскрывается значение политической культуры общества и негативное восприятие фейк ньюс. Рассматривается данный феномен в контексте информационной картины мира, потребность власти злоупотреблять институтом журналистики как агентом влияния и манипулирования общественным мнением. В исследовании отмечается роль лингвистического фактора в реализации функций манипулирования обществом, снижения уровня доверия граждан к государству. В статье предпринимается попытка раскрыть роль социальных сетей в продвижении фейк-ньюс. На примере вторичной интерпретации результатов социологического опроса США раскрывается негативное восприятие обществом фейк-ньюс. Результаты опроса фиксируют рост неравенства и предрассудков в обществе. В статье делается вывод о социальной турбулентности процессов современного общества.

In November 1868, the Ministry of Enlightenment of Russia approved the Charter of the Russian Chemical Society (RCS), one of the Founding Members of which had been Dmitri Mendeleev. The first report on Mendeleev Periodic Table of Chemical Elements was delivered during a meeting of the RCS in March 1869. Therefore 1869 is considered by the world science as the year of discovery of the Periodic Law and formulation of the Periodic Table of Chemical Elements. Year 2019 is the 150th anniversary since Dmitry Mendeleev discovered the Periodic System, and the United Nations proclaimed this year to be the International Year of the Periodic Table of Chemical Elements (IYPT2019). After a series of transformations, in 1992 the RCS became the Mendeleev Russian Chemical Society. In 2019, the RCS is holding anniversary events. The extraordinary Mendeleev Congress on General and Applied Chemistry is one of them. It will be held in Saint Petersburg in September 2019 and will host approximately 3,000 foreign and Russian participants. English-speaking symposia, conferences and round tables on current issues of strategic development of science and technology are planned as a part of the Congress.

This article analyzes the results of the state information policy in relation to the international community in 2019. Ensuring a high degree of integration of the Russian Federation into the world information society is considered as a direction of the state information policy.

An information society sets new vectors for the development of all socio-political and socio-economic institutions. The efficiency and professionalism with which these institutions implement communication technologies into their practices and adapt to challenges of the modern world determine its potential and further development. This article examines the operation of such a socio-political institution as a "think tank", given conditions of the internet's ever growing importance and the expansion of social media. Traditionally "think tanks", or "analytical centers", are considered by political experts and specialists in international affairs to be components of political systems, however, the expansion and development of such organizations all around the world, together with their increasing functional capacity, leads to the need for interpreting the place and role in society of such think tanks from a sociological standpoint. This article examines them as a socio-political institution, which simultaneously generates and conveys information which is of importance to both the government and society. The main function of such an institution is designated as "communicative", which encompasses the social potential of think tanks as a crucial component to developing social awareness and democracy. In order to evaluate the operation of Russia's analytical centers, the author refers to the "Global Go To Think Tank Index" global ranking. Russian analytical centers are generally held in high regard by foreign experts, despite them possessing a few peculiar traits. Most of these Russian think tanks are affiliated with branches of the government, or exist within scientific institutions under the Russian Academy of Sciences or certain higher educational facilities, while being funded by the government. Their scope of research-analytical activity primarily includes issues such as foreign policy, international affairs, and global economy. As for sociological analysis of the processes occurring within society, only fragments of the former are present in the agenda of Russian think tanks. Analytical centers have an inconsequential presence in media space. They barely use modern communication technologies, which affects the isolation of the expert community from society.

The article is devoted to the formation of urban responsibility of society and contains the demands of citizens' responsibility based on regularities of urban processes. The level of urban responsibility in our country does not correspond to what is prescribed by the modern political situation and the pressure of world periphery. It is necessary to form the state ideology of European urban civilization that stands up to national and ethnic enclavity and commercialization of interests of administrations of urban communities. It is necessary to return the leading role in civilized development to the biggest urban communities of Europe and the world. ; Статья посвящена проблемам формирования городской ответственности общества и содержит требования формирования ответственности граждан, как горожан на основе закономерностей городских процессов. Состояние уровня городской ответственности граждан нашей страны не соответствует тому, что определяется современной политической ситуацией и давлением общемировой периферии. Необходимо формирование государственной идеологии европейской городской цивилизации, противостоящей национально-этнической анклавности и коммерциализации интересов администраций городских сообществ. Нужно вернуть крупнейшим городским сообществам Европы и Мира их главенствующую роль в цивилизационном развитии.

Social issues created by a network/digital transformation of society are coming to the forefront of political relations. Given such conditions, we are witnessing a large-scale renewal of social-professional structure, an escalation of social competition, an increase in social inequality, and a decline in the status of middle-class citizens. In the long run, the technological revolution might lead to a decrease in living standards for a significant part of the population of developed nations. Transformation of employment effectively undermines the current model for social policy, which has traditionally been built around creating new jobs and decreasing unemployment as the main objective of public administration. Since the turn of the century, the former balanced mechanism for developing social policy has been upset, and the equilibrium and stable social model is gradually deteriorating. The current model of a welfare state and social-political relations based on consolidated interests is at risk. All around the world modern advanced society relies on it and cannot adequately evolve without it. And one of the main objectives for a government would be making sure that social activity doesn't lag behind the occurring changes. However, the current social policy model in a number of countries, including Russia, does not fully correspond with the process of rearrangement, since, given the conditions of a network society, social policy's target groups tend to change. Forecasts of development within the social-labor realm are unfavorable for large groups of workers, who will have to deal with further polarization in terms of social standing and income, unless the government and society implement a set of effective measures. We are in need of alternative policy, based on coordinating the activities of the main participants of social-political relations. This will require a new political approach, aimed at providing a dynamic social balance, an increase in prosperity, and a decrease in poverty and inequality. Policy based on wider support, a broader resource base and increased opportunity for accomplishing relevant tasks seems to bear the most promise. Meanwhile the government needs to consolidate efforts, while performing an intermediary role in the respective system for making political decisions. Such a political network might result in increased social efficiency.

The book about the objective laws of nature and society. Based on the paradigms of positivism and dialectical materialism proposes a new concept of civilization development. The author violated the unwritten ban on study of the relationship between society and the social elite, analyzing their driving forces and mechanisms. The detailed classification of the social elite introduces a number of new concepts and categories and is based on the thesis about the parasitic elite functions in a social environment. As the main driving force of civilization development is the confrontation of the State and Society.

The article analyses modern researches devoted to the politics of memory and historical memory of the First World War in Soviet Russia in the 1920s-1930s, one aspect of which is the phenomenon of the "imperialist war" anniversaries. The impact of the current situation on the comprehension and overcoming of the historiographic cliché about the "forgotten war", occurring simultaneously in the social and scientific discourses, is considered. The achievements of modern historiography in the reinterpretation of the Russian memorial culture of the interwar period are interpreted, they demonstrate more complex and multidimensional character of the remembrance of the First World War than it has been previously thought. The author characterizes historians' approaches to the evaluation of the role of anniversaries and their place in the structure of the politics of memory, research developments in the field of studying the mechanisms involved in the preparation and holding various forms of jubilee campaigns. Modern achievements in studying the anniversary discourse, its characteristic features and peculiarities with reference to the 1920s-1930s are analyzed. It is argued that the mechanisms for implementing the jubilee politics have been studied mainly in relation to the main Soviet holidays dedicated to the Revolution and the Civil War anniversaries. When it concerns the First World War, these mechanisms are far from being properly studied. Promising areas for further studying the First World War anniversaries in the context of the problems of memorial culture and Bolshevik projecting are highlighted. It is concluded that there is a need for reconstruction of mechanisms of preparation and carrying out anniversary campaigns; for clarification of specifics of "waves of memory" about the war and their impact on the nature of anniversaries; for studying forms of interaction and conflicts between memory politics and communicative memory of individuals and communities under jubilee conditions. © 2019 Institute of History and Archeology of the Ural Branch of RAS. All rights reserved.

At the turn of the century, the rogue state concept has become an integral part of the theory of international relations. However, even contemporary approaches lack the appropriate academic tools to reach a comprehensive understanding of the international community's role in determining the normative frameworks of the proper behavior of the states as the main actors of international system, leaving the relations between global community and the rogues almost an uncharted territory on the international stage. The article considers the category of rogue states as "excluded" members of the international community through the sociological lens of "stigma" (E. Goffman) and "labelling theory" (H. Becker and E. Lemert). Engaging an empirical case of Iraqi foreign policy during and after the Gulf War 1991, the author demonstrates two thresholds of the labelling state as the rogue: public initiation of the offender and self-fulfilling prophecy. It is possible to define some specific features of the outsider's behavior on the international stage: the high level of cooperation among the representatives of the same category, "unsustainable bravado" as the set of fluid and inconsistent actions of the rogue state in foreign policy, finally, the tendency toward obtaining the "secondary gains". Contrariwise, global community tends to pay greater attention to rogue states and exercise some discrimination practices on the ground of their outcast position in the world normative structure with the category of "wise" actors, for example China, being an exception from the common mainstream and maintaining close cooperation ties with rogues.