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The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.

The Second World War brought significant political changes to European monarchies. Immediately after the war, six kingdoms ceased to exist and became republics. This concerned Eastern European countries in the Soviet sphere of influence, as well as Italy, where Victor Emmanuel III had to pay for years of cooperation with the fascist regime. Before the outbreak of the war, at least three European monarchies had considerable power, holding the most important prerogatives in their hands: this was the case in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. Such a political model failed to survive the war, as after 1945 the kings and princes of the Old Continent only "reigned, but did not rule" (only Louis II, Prince of Monaco kept a stronger position until the end of the 1950s). It used to happen during the war that in countries with an established parliamentary system the monarch played a greater role than during the years of peace (the most prominent example being Wilhelmina, the Queen of the Netherlands). The article also presents other issues important to the royal authority – the functioning of monarchs in exile, the threat to their lives, the exercise of sovereignty (usually only in a ceremonial capacity) over the armed forces, and abdications forced by the circumstances. ; Druga wojna światowa przyniosła europejskim monarchiom poważne zmiany ustrojowe. Bezpośrednio po wojnie sześć królestw przestało istnieć, stały się republikami. Dotyczyło to państw Europy Wschodniej, które znalazły się w radzieckiej strefie wpływów, a także Włoch, gdzie Wiktorowi Emanuelowi III przyszło zapłacić za lata współpracy z faszystami. Przed wybuchem wojny przynajmniej w trzech europejskich monarchiach władca posiadał istotną władzę, skupiając w swych rękach najważniejsze uprawnienia – tak było w Rumunii, Bułgarii i Albanii. Taki model ustrojowy nie przetrwał wojny, po 1945 r. królowie i książęta Starego Kontynentu jedynie "panowali, ale nie rządzili" (silniejszą pozycję do końca lat 50. zachował tylko panujący w Monako Ludwik II). W okresie wojny zdarzało się, że w państwach o ugruntowanym już systemie parlamentarnym władca odgrywał rolę większą niż w latach pokoju (najlepszym przykładem może być holenderska Wilhelmina). W artykule przedstawiono też inne zagadnienia ważne dla władzy królewskiej: funkcjonowanie monarchów na uchodźstwie, zagrożenie ich życia, wykonywanie – zazwyczaj jedynie reprezentacyjne – zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnymi, a także wymuszone okolicznościami abdykacje.

The underdeveloped countries which are rich in oil resources are putting up a fight against the exploitation policy of the world oil cartel. The body which is representing their interests is the OPEC organisation (Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries). The setting up of this organisation was in fact a response of the oil producing countries to the successive reduction of the information price. OPEC is thus meant to constitute a kind of counterbalance to the world cartel, which is getting most of its crude oil on the territories of the OPEC countries. OPEC represents all Arab countries of the Near East, Venezuela, Indonesia, Libya. In the negotiations with the world cartel the OPEC brings forward numerous postulates. Some of them constitute subjects of this summary. One of the most important and complicated item are the information prices which serve as a basis for computing the royalties due to the governments of the oil producing countries. The next problem evolves around the regulation of the size of crude oil production. There are also some other problems, e.g. the problem of separating the concession fees from the income tax, the problem of raising the concession fees to 20 per cent of the information price or last but not least the problem of fixing a new proportion of dividing the profits on the 70 : 30 basis. The fight put up by OPEC by exclusively economic means — has no good prospects of success. The best way out of the difficulties seems to be the formation of native capital which would undertake the business of oil extraction and oil distribution. The fight with the world cartel is difficult because of .the political weakness of the oil countries, the anxiety concerning the oil distribution (the world's distribution network is mostly in the hands of the cartel) and the lack of native skilled labour. The attempts to nationalize the oil industry have taken place only in a few countries — they constituted, however, a bold example to the other oil producing countries. Lately the nationalization trend slackened somehow, on the other hand the formation of regional groupings are getting popular. There are at present two such organisations: ARPEL — the Organisation of State Oil Enterprises in Latin American Countries and APO — The Arab Oil Organisation. Of course the mere setting up of new organisations does not yet mean the end of the World Cartel — it does mean, however, that the times where it could control unconditionally the oil resources are definitely over. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The aging of the population is the process of increasing the proportion of older people in the population, which is the result of two long‑term demographic trends: a decrease in fertility and an increase in life expectancy. For the correct measurement of the advancement of this process, it is extremely important what age we consider the beginning of the old age. In the traditional approach older people are most often considered to be people over 60 or 65 years of age. In the alternative approach the beginning of the old age can be considered the age which the expected life expectancy is exactly 15 years. In many parts of the world, the phenomenon of depopulation may appear in the coming years, and the number of children will be lower than the number of older people. In the future, older people will be in nearly one third of their entire population in many regions. However, the percentage of people who have 15 or fewer years to live will stabilize in the future at about 15% of the total population in the most developed countries. Therefore, the beginning of the old age will grow in the future up to 70 years and more in the most developed countries. ; Starzenie się ludności oznacza proces wzrostu odsetka osób starszych w populacji, który jest efektem dwóch długoterminowych trendów demograficznych – zmniejszania się płodności i zwiększania się przeciętnej długości życia. Dla prawidłowego pomiaru zaawansowania tego procesu niezmiernie istotne jest to, jaki wiek uznamy za początek starości. W ujęciu tradycyjnym za osoby starsze uznaje się najczęściej osoby w wieku 60 lub 65 lat i więcej. Natomiast w alternatywnym ujęciu za początek okresu starości można uznać na przykład wiek, dla którego oczekiwane dalsze trwanie życia wynosi dokładnie 15 lat. W wielu miejscach na świecie nieuchronnie wystąpi w przyszłości zjawisko depopulacji, a liczba dzieci stanie się niższa od liczby osób starszych. Osoby w wieku 60 lat i więcej będą w przyszłości stanowić w wielu regionach blisko jedną trzecią ludności. Natomiast odsetek osób, którym zostało mniej niż 15 lat życia, w krajach najbardziej rozwiniętych ustabilizuje się w przyszłości na poziomie około 15% ich populacji. Dlatego granica określająca początek okresu starości w ujęciu tradycyjnym będzie się w przyszłości zwiększać nawet do 70 lat i więcej w państwach najbardziej rozwiniętych.

The aging of the population is the process of increasing the proportion of older people in the population, which is the result of two long‑term demographic trends: a decrease in fertility and an increase in life expectancy. For the correct measurement of the advancement of this process, it is extremely important what age we consider the beginning of the old age. In the traditional approach older people are most often considered to be people over 60 or 65 years of age. In the alternative approach the beginning of the old age can be considered the age which the expected life expectancy is exactly 15 years. In many parts of the world, the phenomenon of depopulation may appear in the coming years, and the number of children will be lower than the number of older people. In the future, older people will be in nearly one third of their entire population in many regions. However, the percentage of people who have 15 or fewer years to live will stabilize in the future at about 15% of the total population in the most developed countries. Therefore, the beginning of the old age will grow in the future up to 70 years and more in the most developed countries. ; Starzenie się ludności oznacza proces wzrostu odsetka osób starszych w populacji, który jest efektem dwóch długoterminowych trendów demograficznych – zmniejszania się płodności i zwiększania się przeciętnej długości życia. Dla prawidłowego pomiaru zaawansowania tego procesu niezmiernie istotne jest to, jaki wiek uznamy za początek starości. W ujęciu tradycyjnym za osoby starsze uznaje się najczęściej osoby w wieku 60 lub 65 lat i więcej. Natomiast w alternatywnym ujęciu za początek okresu starości można uznać na przykład wiek, dla którego oczekiwane dalsze trwanie życia wynosi dokładnie 15 lat. W wielu miejscach na świecie nieuchronnie wystąpi w przyszłości zjawisko depopulacji, a liczba dzieci stanie się niższa od liczby osób starszych. Osoby w wieku 60 lat i więcej będą w przyszłości stanowić w wielu regionach blisko jedną trzecią ludności. Natomiast odsetek osób, którym zostało mniej niż 15 lat życia, w krajach najbardziej rozwiniętych ustabilizuje się w przyszłości na poziomie około 15% ich populacji. Dlatego granica określająca początek okresu starości w ujęciu tradycyjnym będzie się w przyszłości zwiększać nawet do 70 lat i więcej w państwach najbardziej rozwiniętych.

The novel coronavirus pandemic has triggered an economic slowdown worldwide, aggravating those steadily accumulated inequalities in income and wealth redistribution. Western-type capitalism, international cooperation, and European integration have found themselves at risk. This article points out the resemblances and dissimilarities in policies combating the recessions of 2008 and 2020 on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing specifically on the EU and Canada. It assesses the rising popularity of the welfarestate concept applied both to individuals and entire businesses deemed essential for democracy, notably in the EU, for which the protection of citizens' well-being and solidarity values are at the core of bloc integration. Conceptually conflicting solutions for those crises reflect a profound shift in policy making, reinforcing state interventions vs the neoliberal approach and intensifying discussions on a universal basic income as a tool in redressing socio-economic inequalities. This paper highlights the need for a trans-disciplinary approach to benefi t policy making.

The city as a business center is an organization that includes lower-level organizations along with the Internet as well as the necessary techniques and technologies, as well as an attitude towards changes in relations with clients and placed in the natural and social environment.The purpose of the work is to justify that there is still current theorem from Rykla (2006), that The collapse of the world communist system (Second World) at the turn of the seventies and nineties of the twentieth century caused the breakdown of the political and ideological division of the world, which enabled return to the classical model of the core and periphery in the global economy system. The division is perceived in relation to the countries of Western, Central and Eastern Europe. The global economic and political system of the world has also led to the shifting of the center of gravity of development and the pace of the emergence of new cities as business centers to Asian countries (Lipińska 2018). The utilitarian purpose of the work is to initiate work on the cities' compliance with the semi-periphery and periphery of the civilization challenge of countries (and even global cities themselves) that are currently more developed. This view was expressed by Z. Rykiel (2006) claiming that the basis for meeting the civilizational challenge should be to understand that the functions constituting the core of the world system are knowledge, innovation production and management of Z. Rykla (2006). Observing the changes in the global economic and political system, it seems that one should seek an answer to the question: Is the return of the world economic and political system to small cities a form of deep ecology, i.e. a holistic view of the trend and progress in the growth of sustainable urban development seeing man as an individual in a global state? A feature of the research is their repeatability and comparability, which means that the result of the research depends on the assumptions made.Key words: big and small cities; ecological economics; environmental economics; sustainable development; the core of the global economic and political system; semi-periphery of the global economic and political system; the periphery of the global economic and political system; background of the global economic and political system. ; Miasto jako centrum biznesu jest organizacją obejmującą organizacje niższego rzędu wraz z internetem oraz potrzebne techniki i technologie, a także nastawienie na zmiany w relacjach z klientami i umieszczoną w środowisku przyrodniczym i społecznym. Celem pracy jest uzasadnienie, że wciąż jest aktualne twierdzenie Z Rykla (2006 s. 228), iż Upadek światowego systemu komunistycznego (Drugiego Świata) na przełomie lat siedemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. spowodował załamanie się polityczno-ideologicznego podziału świata, co umożliwiło powrót do klasycznego modelu rdzenia i peryferii w systemie gospodarki światowej. Obserwuje się utrwalenie się tego podziału w stosunku do państw Zachodniej, Środowej i Wschodniej Europy. Światowy system ekonomiczno-polityczny świata doprowadził również do przesunięcia się obecnie punktu ciężkości rozwoju oraz tempa powstawania nowych miast jako centrów biznesu do krajów azjatyckich (Lipińska 2018). Celem utylitarnym pracy jest spowodowanie podjęcia prac nad sprostaniem przez miasta semiperyferii i peryferii wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu krajów (a nawet już samych miast globalnych) obecnie wyżej rozwiniętych. Podgląd ten wyraził Z. Rykiel (2006), twierdząc, że podstawą sprostania wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu powinno być zrozumienie, że funkcjami konstytuującymi rdzeń systemu światowego są wiedza, wytwarzanie innowacji i zarządzanie Z. Rykla (2006). Obserwując dokonujące się zmiany w światowym systemie ekonomiczno-politycznym wydaje się, że należy poszukiwać odpowiedzi na pytanie: Czy powrót światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego świata do miast małych jest formą głębokiej ekologii, tj. nurtem holistycznego ujęcia i postępem we wzroście zrównoważonego rozwoju miast z punktu widzenia człowieka jako jednostki w państwie globalnym? Cechą badań jest ich powtarzalność i porównywalność, a to oznacza, że wynik badań zależy od przyjętych założeń.Słowa kluczowe: wielkie i małe miasta; ekonomia ekologiczna; ekonomia środowiska; zrównoważony rozwój; rdzeń światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; semiperyferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; peryferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; tło światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego.

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

Praca dotyczy badań nad stopniem wykorzystania handlu i biznesu elektronicznego w przemyśle tekstylno-odzieżowym oraz ich wpływu na ten przemysł. W tym celu przeprowadzono badania empiryczne wśród polskich przedsiębiorstw ww. sektora, przeanalizowano uwarunkowania prawne dotyczące handlu i biznesu elektronicznego międzynarodowych organizacji zajmujących się handlem (takich jak Światowa Organizacja Handlu - WTO, Unia Europejska, i inne), a także przeanalizowano wszystkie dostępne programy Unii Europejskiej pod kątem ich przydatności w finansowaniu projektów związanych z handlem elektronicznym oraz technologiami ICT (ang. information and communication technologies) dla firm sektora tekstylno-odzieżowego. ; The structure of the thesis was subordinated to the specific goals and research hypotheses. It consists of four main chapters and conclusions. Chapter one is of an introductory character. It presents a short history of internet, basic aspects of electronic commerce and business, such as its models or unique features with respect to traditional commerce. Basic statistical data concerning the electronic commerce with particular reference to trade of products from textile and clothing sector, as well as those concerning the number of users of internet in the world and in Poland are given. The conclusions from the report concerning the electronic commerce in the textile and clothing sector in the European Union prepared by the eBusiness W@tch organization in 2005 with the comments of the author, and the new ICT paradigm are also presented. Chapter two is devoted to the legal aspects of electronic commerce. At first the regulations of the international organizations such as the WTO, OECD and UNCITRAL are presented. In the next part of this chapter the EU directives are thoroughly described, as Poland is a member of this organization and its regulations are the most important for our country. The last part of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of Polish legal system and its adjustments to the regulations of international organizations. Chapter three is dedicated to presenting and analyzing the empirical research carried out on the basis of questionnaires among enterprises from Polish textile and clothing sector, and drawing conclusions from those results. The research was aimed at checking the level of utilization of electronic commerce and business in those companies and evaluation if their influence on the firms was positive. From the point of view of the main goal of the thesis it is the most important chapter. Chapter four presents the analysis of a wide range of the EU programs with respect to their usefulness for companies from textile and clothing sector in order to achieve direct (financial) and indirect assistance for projects connected with ICT. The last part of the thesis is dedicated to the final conclusions and summary of the performed researches and analyses.