Suchergebnisse

Platonova teorija odgoja i obrazovanja najeksplicitnije je iznesena u "Trećoj knjizi" Države. On ondje, pokušavajući osmisliti državu u kojoj bi sve funkcioniralo na najbolji mogući način, osmišljava i obrazovni sustav za građane te države. U ovome radu, nakon što iznesemo najvažnije točke te teorije, u kojoj sam Platon najviše razmatra ulogu umjetnosti u obrazovanju i povežemo je s još nekim tragovima Platonove teorije odgoja i obrazovanja, pozabavit ćemo se nekim problemima koji se javljaju unutar tih teorija. Naime, stvarajući svoj odgojno-obrazovni sustav, Platon nije pažljiv u izražavanju, pa su neke od posljedica njegove dvosmislenosti pogubne, kako u cilju izbjegavanja kontradiktornosti, tako i u političkome smislu. Također, Platonov odgojno-obrazovni sustav koji bi se trebao primjenjivati u njegovoj državi nije osjetljiv na stvarnost toga doba. Stavove koje on uključuje i neke premise na koje računa ukazuju na to da nije dovoljno obratio pažnju na sve uvjete i faktore koji utječu na razvoj pojedinca. Nakon što ukažemo na te probleme s čitavom teorijom, ispitat ćemo koliko su ti problemi fatalni po Platonovu filozofiju odgoja i obrazovanja.

Partijska su tijela tražila utvrđivanje okolnosti donošenja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika, sankcioniranje odgovornih te javno distanciranje od njezina sadržaja. U cilju provedbe partijskih zaključaka u većini su institucija održani posebni sastanci. Društvo književnika Hrvatske u dva je navrata raspravljalo o Deklaraciji. Najprije je 29. i 30. ožujka aktiv komunista Društva osudio njezin sadržaj te je naposljetku 4. travnja osnovna organizacija Saveza komunista Društva izrekla stegovne mjere. Vođene su rasprave i na Filozofskom fakultetu, i to najprije u osnovnoj organizaciji Saveza komunista, a potom i na Savjetu Fakulteta. U Matici hrvatskoj, osim jednoga sastanka zatvorena za javnost, s kojega se izišlo s priopćenjem da će Upravni i Nadzorni odbor Matice hrvatske podnijeti kolektivnu ostavku, nije bilo većih rasprava. Tiskovine su iz Zadra kratko izvijestile da je osnovna organizacija Saveza komunista Filozofskoga fakulteta kaznila dvojicu potpisnika. Osim očitovanja o načinu usvajanja Deklaracije nije bilo većih rasprava u institucijama potpisnicama JAZU-a, Staroslavenskom institutu i Društvu književnih prevodilaca, s tim da su njihovi članovi partijci stegovno odgovarali u drugim institucijama, većinom u Društvu književnika Hrvatske i Filozofskom fakultetu. Partijska su tijela negativno reagirala i na pojavu Predloga za razmišljanje skupine srbijanskih književnika, članova Udruženja književnika Srbije. Nakon negativnih partijskih reakcija održana je sjednica aktiva komunista i izvanredna skupština Udruženja. Inicijatorima su izrečene kazne. Članak s održanih sjednica donosi sadržaj usvojenih zaključaka i najzanimljivije dijelove izlaganja pojedinaca. Poseban je naglasak stavljen na izlaganja glavnih sudionika u donošenju Deklaracije i Predloga. ; The Party wanted to unveil the circumstances how the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language was signed. It asked for the sanctioning of the responsible ones and public distancing from its content. In order to implement the Party conclusions, in the majority of the signatory institutions special meetings were held. The Association of the Writers of Croatia discussed the Declaration twice. First, on the 29th and 30th March the communists of the Association denounced its content.Then on the 4th of April the ground organization of the League of Communists proclaimed the disciplinary measures. Discussions were led at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, first in the ground organization of the League of Communists and then at the Faculty Council. In Matica hrvatska (Matrix Croatica) there were no larger discussions, except for one meeting that was closed for the public and that issued a statement that the Directors' Board and the Supervisory Board would sign in a collective resignation. The Zadar press gave a short report that the ground organization of the League of Communists of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences had punished two signatories. Except for the professing of the way how the Declaration should be implemented there were no other larger discussions in the signatory institutions of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts, in the Old Slavic Institute and Literary Translators' Association. Their members, who were the Party members, underwent disciplinary measures in other institutions, mainly in the Croatian Writers' Association and at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. Ther Party bodies had a negative reaction also to the appearance of The Suggestion for Thinking by a group of Serbian writers, members of the Serbia Writers' Association. After negative Party reactions a communists meeting was held as well as a special, non-regular assembley of the Association. The initiators were punished. The paper brings the content of the conclusions and the most interesting parts of the talks from these meetings. A special emphasis is put onto the talks of the main protagonists of the Declaration and the Suggestion.

The subject of this paper is the writing of place name adjectives in Croatian spelling books from 1892 to 2013. In Croatian spelling books place name adjectives were written in their original form until the unitarianist political intrusions into the Croatian language and Croatian orthography in 1930 and 1960. Ever since, the writing of place name adjectives has been distorted, and modern spelling books standardize it in three basic ways: a) according to their pronunciation (with transcription rules), b) in their original form, and c) in two different ways.

Relying on the hermeneutical approach to the culture of Western literacy, the author highlights the different usage of the logic & the grammar of composition in Aristotle's & Kant's writings. While Aristotle in his writings records the Greek political experience, Kant turns the logic of composition & the meaning of the inherited lexis into a rational precondition of the capability to understand human experience & to establish a human political community that is legitimized through reason. The author enumerates the flaws in Aristotle's & Kant's understandings of political theory in order to avoid the identification of fiction with reality. Moreover, we should get rid of the illusion that political theories are reliable blueprints for political action. Adapted from the source document.

The author probes into the epistemological roots of Rorty's liberalism & describes the mental evolution by which the unpolitical ideas presented in Philosophy & the Nature's Mirror obtained political meaning in Rorty's philosophical-political writings. Focusing on Rorty's usage of the notion of incommensurability, the author claims that Rorty fails to explain to the liberals of enlightenment why his postmodern liberalism is better than modern liberalism. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.

The impact of the thought of political scientist/philosopher John Rawls on Croatian political science in general, & the department of political science at the U of Zagreb in particular, is commemorated with this overview of the significance of Rawls's writings on justice, tolerance, & the spirit of pluralism as part of a conference held at the university on 7-8 Mar 2003. The effect of Rawls's Theory of Justice on Croatian political philosophy is as great as that of Hobbes's Leviathan & Rousseau's Social Contract. Rawls is commended for his wisdom & call for tolerance, a value in short supply both in recent Eastern European & American history. A. Siegel

The term charisma was first used in theological writings. In the Old Testament literature, the term occurs only twice. However, in the New Testament it occurs seventeen times. It is used by St. Paul in the First Letter to the Corinthians, in the Letter to the Romans, in the Second Letter to the Corinthians. In the political context, the word charisma has been lavishly used in the analyses of national-socialist & Stalinist regimes. Charismatic legitimation is, primarily, a feature of various types of dictatorships & not of democratic, constitutional states. This is probably why charismatic aspects are so notorious in most contemporary social theory. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Adapted from the source document.

Posthumno objavljen roman Ernesta Hemingwaya Rajski vrt je tekst prepun sukobljenih čežnja, posebice onih između heteroseksualiteta, homoseksualiteta i hermafroditizma. To je također roman koji iskazuje Hemingwayeve osjećaje nesigurnosti kada je riječ o muškosti i hermafroditizmu. U svome protagonistu, piscu Davidu Bourneu, Hemingway predstavlja ne samo osobne čežnje i strahove o seksualnosti nego i način na koji "pisanje" može omogućiti rješenje ovih nesigurnosti. ; Ernest Hemingway's posthumous novel The Garden of Eden is a text rife with competing desires, especially those between heterosexuality, homosexuality, and androgyny. It is a novel that also rehearses its author Ernest Hemingway's ambiguous feelings concerning masculinity and androgyny. Through his writer-protagonist David Bourne, Hemingway dramatizes not only his personal desires and fears about sexuality, but also how "writing" can provide a solution for such insecurities.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.

One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy. ; One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy.

The first part of the paper describes the internal incoherencies of the International Monetary Fund and its consistent ignoring of empirical evidence. The second part offers possible explanations for this nonchalance. A Kuhnian perspective can explain it in terms of anomaly accumulation necessary for a paradigm shift. Richard Peets' explanation forwards a joining of Foucaults' concept of dominant discourse with a Gramscian hegemony. Alternatively, ignoring of evidence by the IMF may well be interpreted as part of a neo-imperialist ploy directed at exploitation of developing countries. Finally, a concept of anti-utilitarian nature of absolutely implemented ideology derived from the writings of Hannah Arendt can explain the functioning of IMF beyond the bounds of purpose. Taking into account these explanations, the possibilities of change of harmful behavior for an institution such as IMF are suggested. Adapted from the source document.