Suchergebnisse

V uvodnem poglavju magistrskega dela smo opredelili problem, namen, cilje in hipoteze. Zapisali smo predpostavke in omejitve ter predstavili predvidene raziskovalne metode. V drugem poglavju smo predstavili prostovoljstvo in program Evropske prostovoljne službe. Ker je program Evropske prostovoljne službe vezan na mednarodni prostor, smo pozornost namenili tudi mednarodnemu prostovoljnemu delu. Predstavili smo celoten program Erasmus +, ki financira tudi program Evropske prostovoljne službe. Ker program Evropske prostovoljne službe zahteva tesno sodelovanje med zaposlenimi in prostovoljcem, smo v tretjem poglavju obdelali modele zadovoljstva pri delu, ker po našem mnenju zadovoljstvo zaposlenih vpliva na sodelovanje s prostovoljci. V nadaljevanju v četrtem poglavju smo predstavili razlike med kulturami, saj v našem primeru govorimo o mednarodnem prostovoljnem delu. Poznavanja in spoštovanje razlik med kulturami, lahko doprinese k uspešnemu sodelovanju med različnimi kulturami. V petem poglavju smo predstavili dve organizaciji, Društvo center za pomoč mladim iz Slovenije, in Občino Kuopio iz Finske. Organizaciji sta akreditirani za izvajanje projektov Evropske prostovoljne službe. Z predstavnikoma organizacije smo izvedeli intervju. S pomočjo intervjujev smo spoznali izkušnje in pomanjkljivosti organizacij pri pripravi, izvedbi in evalvaciji projektov Evropske prostovoljne službe. Na podlagi odgovorov intervjujev smo izvedeli SWOT analizo. V nadaljevanju pa pripravili predlog programa za pripravo zaposlenih na delo s prostovoljci iz tujine, kar smo si kot glavni cilj zadali v uvodu magistrskega dela. ; In the introductory chapter of the master thesis we have identified the problem, purpose, objectives and hypotheses. We have wrote assumptions and limitations. We have present the intended research methods as well. In the second chapter we have presented the volunteering and the European Voluntary Service. Since the program European voluntary service is linked to the international area, we have also focused on the international volunteer work. We presented the entire program Erasmus +, by which European voluntary service is funded. Since the European Voluntary Service program requires close cooperation between employees and volunteers, in the third chapter we have analyzed models of job satisfaction because, in our view, employee satisfaction has impact on the cooperation with volunteers. In the fourth chapter, we present the differences between cultures, as in our case, we are talking about international volunteering. Knowledge of and respect for differences among cultures, may contribute to the successful cooperation between different cultures. In the fifth chapter, we present the two organizations, the Youth Aid Center Association from Slovenia, and the Municipality of Kuopio from Finland. The both organizations are accredited for implementation of European Voluntary Service. We have make an interview with the representatives of the both organizations. Through interviews we have learned about experiences and shortcomings of organizations in the preparation, implementation and evaluation of projects of European Voluntary Service. Based on the responses of interviews we have make SWOT analysis. After that we have prepare a draft of program for preparing employees to work with volunteers from abroad, which we have set as a main objective for the thesis in the introduction chapter.

Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.

V pričujoči raziskavi smo preučili strukturo, dejavnike in posledice politične kulture in državljanske participacije v postjugoslovanskih družbah. Uporabljenih je bilo več virov kvantitativnih podatkov, med drugim raziskava 2.178 študentov družboslovja v osmih postjugoslovanskih entitetah (M starost = 19,8 leta, SD = 1,89) ; reprezentativni vzorci Evropske raziskave vrednot (2008) ; pretekli valovi Svetovne raziskave vrednot (1995/8) in podatki raziskave jugoslovanske mladine (Jupio, 1986). Analiza na agregatni ravni je pokazala, da so v socioekonomsko manj razvitih okoljih (Kosovo, BiH in NJR Makedonija) v večji meri prisotni elementi podložniške politične kulture (Almond in Verba, 1963), v okviru katere so se kot ključni elementi na individualni ravni izkazali avtoritarnost, splošni tradicionalizem, tradicionalni pogled na spolne vloge in nacionalizem. Medentitetne razlike na merah ekonomske kulture (ekonomski egalitarizem in državni paternalizem) so povečini majhne in statistično neznačilne, saj vse entitete na obeh indikatorjih dosegajo visoke povprečne vrednosti. V skladu s predvidevanji dopolnjene modernizacijske teorije je demokratična politična kultura bolj koherentna v socioekonomsko bolj razvitih postjugoslovanskih državah, v nasprotju s teorijo pa manj razvite države dosegajo višje povprečne ravni državljanske participacije. Starost in socioekonomski status sta se izkazala za najmočnejša sociodemografska dejavnika politične kulture in državljanske participacije. Višje stopnje učinkovite demokracije (Inglehart in Welzel, 2007) dosegajo socioekonomsko bolj razvite države, ki izkazujejo tudi najvišje stopnje demokratične politične kulture. Longitudinalna analiza ni pokazala enotne smeri političnokulturnih sprememb ; slednje so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih bile v smeri večanja tako demokratičnih kot tudi nekaterih podložniških orientacij (npr. avtoritarnosti). Avtorji sklenejo, da proces demokratične konsolidacije, tako političnokulturne kot tudi institucionalne, v večini postjugoslovanskih družb še ni končan. Na koncu so predstavljene implikacije raziskave. ; The present study examined structures, determinants and consequences of political culture and citizen participation in post-Yugoslav societies. Several empirical data sources were employed, among others a survey of 2,178 social science students in eight post-Yugoslav entities (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) ; representative samples from European Values Study (2008), earlier waves of World Values Survey (1995/8) and a study of Yugoslav youth Jupio carried out in 1985. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed entities (Kosovo, BiH, and FYR Macedonia) scored higher on subject political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which was at the individual level found to be characterized by its four core components: authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, and nationalism. Between-country differences on measures of economic cultural orientations (economic egalitarianism and state paternalism) were largely minor or insignificant, since all entities scored high on both measures. As predicted by revised modernization theory democratic political culture was found to be more coherent in socioeconomically more developed post-Yugoslav countries. Inconsistent with modernization approach results demonstrated higher levels of citizen participation in less well-off countries. Age and socioeconomic status proved to be the most potent sociodemographic predictors of political culture and citizen participation. Finally, democracy was found to be more effective (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007) in socioeconomically more developed countries, which also scored highest on measures of democratic political culture. Longitudinal analysis did not uniformly confirm substantive political culture changes with changes in the last two decades taking place in both democratic as well as authoritarian direction. Authors conclude that the process of democratic consolidation, both political-cultural as well as institutional, is far from over in the majority of post-Yugoslav entities. Implications of the results are discussed.