Suchergebnisse

The article analyses how the reconstituted Republic of Lithuania constructed its identity in the context of foreign and security policy. The main purpose of this study is to find out how Lithuanian identity was constructed in 1991–1994 and what kind of tensions unfolded regarding the integration processes. The study relies on the premise that the internally formed identity of a country is the main aspect that provides insights into foreign and security policy, represents relations with other countries and describes self-positioning in international politics. Therefore, it is important to analyze how this identity was constructed. Post-structuralists argue that identity, which is the main concept of post-structuralistic analysis, is understood as discursive, political, social, and relational (the distinction between the Self and the Other). Therefore, the relation between identity and foreign and security policy is constitutive, this identity is not given and stable but varies and transforms according to foreign and security policies. The discourse analysis is used as a method and means to identify the socially constructed reality. By discourse we refer to spoken and written texts. Therefore, the basic material for research is 100 articles in which politicians, commentators, intellectuals, etc. have been analyzing the Lithuanian foreign and security policy from 1991 to 1994. The texts are taken from three Lithuanian newspapers: "Lietuvos rytas", "Lietuvos aidas", and "Atgimimas". The results are divided into two dimensions: Western dimension (addressing Europe in general and the European Union) and regional dimension (addressing Northern Europe, the Baltic region, and Central Europe). Several observations could be made. European representations have been dominant in the discourse. There have been a few different aspects with regard to this. Lithuania has been perceived as belonging to the same civilization as Europe, and Europe has been understood as the most important security guarantor. At the same time, however, Lithuania has also regarded Europe with distrust and felt inferior. Therefore, willingness to be integrated into Western security organizations, on the one hand, and fears and intention to primarily formulate national identity, on the other, have formed tensions between these two visions. Three regions have been understood merely as means to reach the strategic purposes and get integrated into Europe. Northern Europe has been generally perceived as a friendly, well-developed and reliable region. Therefore, this partnership could have contributed to guaranteeing Lithuania's security and integration. However, there has been no common historical or cultural background between Lithuania and Northern Europe. For this reason, Northern Europe has existed as a stranger in the context of identity. Conversely, there have been a few cohesive aspects between Lithuania and Central Europe, but Central Europe has been represented as unreliable in the terms of security. Compared to Northern or Central Europe, only the Baltic region has been understood in greater depth. However, the main questions about the core of the Baltic identity have not been still answered, but the common Baltic region has been seen as instrumental and useful for integration processes. This research shows the complexity of Lithuanian identity and the possible roots of nowadays' tendencies. Despite the fact that Lithuanian identity has been based on orientation towards Europe, there have been other dimensions found in public discussions between 1991 and 1994. Finally, Lithuanian identity has laid on the limited pro-European background with a few additional fragments. Finally, all subjects, such as different regions, have been understood as strange Others.

The article analyses how the reconstituted Republic of Lithuania constructed its identity in the context of foreign and security policy. The main purpose of this study is to find out how Lithuanian identity was constructed in 1991–1994 and what kind of tensions unfolded regarding the integration processes. The study relies on the premise that the internally formed identity of a country is the main aspect that provides insights into foreign and security policy, represents relations with other countries and describes self-positioning in international politics. Therefore, it is important to analyze how this identity was constructed. Post-structuralists argue that identity, which is the main concept of post-structuralistic analysis, is understood as discursive, political, social, and relational (the distinction between the Self and the Other). Therefore, the relation between identity and foreign and security policy is constitutive, this identity is not given and stable but varies and transforms according to foreign and security policies. The discourse analysis is used as a method and means to identify the socially constructed reality. By discourse we refer to spoken and written texts. Therefore, the basic material for research is 100 articles in which politicians, commentators, intellectuals, etc. have been analyzing the Lithuanian foreign and security policy from 1991 to 1994. The texts are taken from three Lithuanian newspapers: "Lietuvos rytas", "Lietuvos aidas", and "Atgimimas". The results are divided into two dimensions: Western dimension (addressing Europe in general and the European Union) and regional dimension (addressing Northern Europe, the Baltic region, and Central Europe). Several observations could be made. European representations have been dominant in the discourse. There have been a few different aspects with regard to this. Lithuania has been perceived as belonging to the same civilization as Europe, and Europe has been understood as the most important security guarantor. At the same time, however, Lithuania has also regarded Europe with distrust and felt inferior. Therefore, willingness to be integrated into Western security organizations, on the one hand, and fears and intention to primarily formulate national identity, on the other, have formed tensions between these two visions. Three regions have been understood merely as means to reach the strategic purposes and get integrated into Europe. Northern Europe has been generally perceived as a friendly, well-developed and reliable region. Therefore, this partnership could have contributed to guaranteeing Lithuania's security and integration. However, there has been no common historical or cultural background between Lithuania and Northern Europe. For this reason, Northern Europe has existed as a stranger in the context of identity. Conversely, there have been a few cohesive aspects between Lithuania and Central Europe, but Central Europe has been represented as unreliable in the terms of security. Compared to Northern or Central Europe, only the Baltic region has been understood in greater depth. However, the main questions about the core of the Baltic identity have not been still answered, but the common Baltic region has been seen as instrumental and useful for integration processes. This research shows the complexity of Lithuanian identity and the possible roots of nowadays' tendencies. Despite the fact that Lithuanian identity has been based on orientation towards Europe, there have been other dimensions found in public discussions between 1991 and 1994. Finally, Lithuanian identity has laid on the limited pro-European background with a few additional fragments. Finally, all subjects, such as different regions, have been understood as strange Others.

The article analyses how the reconstituted Republic of Lithuania constructed its identity in the context of foreign and security policy. The main purpose of this study is to find out how Lithuanian identity was constructed in 1991–1994 and what kind of tensions unfolded regarding the integration processes. The study relies on the premise that the internally formed identity of a country is the main aspect that provides insights into foreign and security policy, represents relations with other countries and describes self-positioning in international politics. Therefore, it is important to analyze how this identity was constructed. Post-structuralists argue that identity, which is the main concept of post-structuralistic analysis, is understood as discursive, political, social, and relational (the distinction between the Self and the Other). Therefore, the relation between identity and foreign and security policy is constitutive, this identity is not given and stable but varies and transforms according to foreign and security policies. The discourse analysis is used as a method and means to identify the socially constructed reality. By discourse we refer to spoken and written texts. Therefore, the basic material for research is 100 articles in which politicians, commentators, intellectuals, etc. have been analyzing the Lithuanian foreign and security policy from 1991 to 1994. The texts are taken from three Lithuanian newspapers: "Lietuvos rytas", "Lietuvos aidas", and "Atgimimas". The results are divided into two dimensions: Western dimension (addressing Europe in general and the European Union) and regional dimension (addressing Northern Europe, the Baltic region, and Central Europe). Several observations could be made. European representations have been dominant in the discourse. There have been a few different aspects with regard to this. Lithuania has been perceived as belonging to the same civilization as Europe, and Europe has been understood as the most important security guarantor. At the same time, however, Lithuania has also regarded Europe with distrust and felt inferior. Therefore, willingness to be integrated into Western security organizations, on the one hand, and fears and intention to primarily formulate national identity, on the other, have formed tensions between these two visions. Three regions have been understood merely as means to reach the strategic purposes and get integrated into Europe. Northern Europe has been generally perceived as a friendly, well-developed and reliable region. Therefore, this partnership could have contributed to guaranteeing Lithuania's security and integration. However, there has been no common historical or cultural background between Lithuania and Northern Europe. For this reason, Northern Europe has existed as a stranger in the context of identity. Conversely, there have been a few cohesive aspects between Lithuania and Central Europe, but Central Europe has been represented as unreliable in the terms of security. Compared to Northern or Central Europe, only the Baltic region has been understood in greater depth. However, the main questions about the core of the Baltic identity have not been still answered, but the common Baltic region has been seen as instrumental and useful for integration processes. This research shows the complexity of Lithuanian identity and the possible roots of nowadays' tendencies. Despite the fact that Lithuanian identity has been based on orientation towards Europe, there have been other dimensions found in public discussions between 1991 and 1994. Finally, Lithuanian identity has laid on the limited pro-European background with a few additional fragments. Finally, all subjects, such as different regions, have been understood as strange Others.

Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq's immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq's infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master's work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political leadership and the conflict in the Gulf. Main tasks are as follows: to point out the peculiarity of political leadership with reference to the functions and main features of political leaders; to dispute the political tendencies of the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait; to define the concept of crisis situation; to reveal the importance of political leaders' practice, actions and receivable decisions; to highlight the conflict in the Gulf and to emphasize its significance to further development of World history. Master's work consists of 3 Chapters. Chapter 1 deals with behavior and individual peculiarities of political leaders. It focuses on the above mentioned aspects as basic ones in the conflict and reveals different viewpoints on means of solving the crisis situation. In Chapter 2 the specific character of political leaders was illustrated with the focus on their underway functions. Providing information from different channels, communication strategies and means depending on crisis situation objectives has been discussed. In Chapter 3 main features of political leadership, control of the conflict and acceptance of decisions have been discussed. Different viewpoints and evaluations of the political leaders presented, with the focus on more detailed research of solving the problem in Persian Gulf. Influencing the effectiveness individual and outside factors, on the basis of which action strategies are being formulated. Document analysis, descriptive and historical research methods helped to come to the conclusion that political leaders signally influenced the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. After the results attained, it became evident that substantiality of political leaders and their determined alterations considerably influenced the World history.

Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq's immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq's infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master's work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political leadership and the conflict in the Gulf. Main tasks are as follows: to point out the peculiarity of political leadership with reference to the functions and main features of political leaders; to dispute the political tendencies of the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait; to define the concept of crisis situation; to reveal the importance of political leaders' practice, actions and receivable decisions; to highlight the conflict in the Gulf and to emphasize its significance to further development of World history. Master's work consists of 3 Chapters. Chapter 1 deals with behavior and individual peculiarities of political leaders. It focuses on the above mentioned aspects as basic ones in the conflict and reveals different viewpoints on means of solving the crisis situation. In Chapter 2 the specific character of political leaders was illustrated with the focus on their underway functions. Providing information from different channels, communication strategies and means depending on crisis situation objectives has been discussed. In Chapter 3 main features of political leadership, control of the conflict and acceptance of decisions have been discussed. Different viewpoints and evaluations of the political leaders presented, with the focus on more detailed research of solving the problem in Persian Gulf. Influencing the effectiveness individual and outside factors, on the basis of which action strategies are being formulated. Document analysis, descriptive and historical research methods helped to come to the conclusion that political leaders signally influenced the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. After the results attained, it became evident that substantiality of political leaders and their determined alterations considerably influenced the World history.

Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq's immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq's infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master's work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political leadership and the conflict in the Gulf. Main tasks are as follows: to point out the peculiarity of political leadership with reference to the functions and main features of political leaders; to dispute the political tendencies of the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait; to define the concept of crisis situation; to reveal the importance of political leaders' practice, actions and receivable decisions; to highlight the conflict in the Gulf and to emphasize its significance to further development of World history. Master's work consists of 3 Chapters. Chapter 1 deals with behavior and individual peculiarities of political leaders. It focuses on the above mentioned aspects as basic ones in the conflict and reveals different viewpoints on means of solving the crisis situation. In Chapter 2 the specific character of political leaders was illustrated with the focus on their underway functions. Providing information from different channels, communication strategies and means depending on crisis situation objectives has been discussed. In Chapter 3 main features of political leadership, control of the conflict and acceptance of decisions have been discussed. Different viewpoints and evaluations of the political leaders presented, with the focus on more detailed research of solving the problem in Persian Gulf. Influencing the effectiveness individual and outside factors, on the basis of which action strategies are being formulated. Document analysis, descriptive and historical research methods helped to come to the conclusion that political leaders signally influenced the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. After the results attained, it became evident that substantiality of political leaders and their determined alterations considerably influenced the World history.

Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq's immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq's infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master's work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political leadership and the conflict in the Gulf. Main tasks are as follows: to point out the peculiarity of political leadership with reference to the functions and main features of political leaders; to dispute the political tendencies of the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait; to define the concept of crisis situation; to reveal the importance of political leaders' practice, actions and receivable decisions; to highlight the conflict in the Gulf and to emphasize its significance to further development of World history. Master's work consists of 3 Chapters. Chapter 1 deals with behavior and individual peculiarities of political leaders. It focuses on the above mentioned aspects as basic ones in the conflict and reveals different viewpoints on means of solving the crisis situation. In Chapter 2 the specific character of political leaders was illustrated with the focus on their underway functions. Providing information from different channels, communication strategies and means depending on crisis situation objectives has been discussed. In Chapter 3 main features of political leadership, control of the conflict and acceptance of decisions have been discussed. Different viewpoints and evaluations of the political leaders presented, with the focus on more detailed research of solving the problem in Persian Gulf. Influencing the effectiveness individual and outside factors, on the basis of which action strategies are being formulated. Document analysis, descriptive and historical research methods helped to come to the conclusion that political leaders signally influenced the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. After the results attained, it became evident that substantiality of political leaders and their determined alterations considerably influenced the World history.

Based on the archives and historical materials, the article analyzes possible destructive actions of the Soviet security agency against the establishment of the Department of National Defence. The research covers a shorter than 1.5-year period when KGB, as a governance structure of the USSR, existed its last year and the Department of National Defence, a predecessor of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, was at the early stages of establishment. The lack of archive materials limited the ultimate fulfilment of the research objectives. The article falls into three parts addressing political and economic situation of the KGB at that time restricting its practical activities. According to the remaining documents, the KGB focused on the collection of information on the Department of National Defence. Necessary information was obtained from scarce secret agencies, public press and random sources. The Soviet security was particularly interested in the structure, possible relations with foreign special services, armament and capabilities of the Department of National Defence. The KGB formed and spread negative opinion on the Lithuanian Armed Forces. The analysis of available sources led to the conclusion that objective and subjective conditions prevented the Soviet special agency from taking specific effective measures limiting it only to the collection of information.

Based on the archives and historical materials, the article analyzes possible destructive actions of the Soviet security agency against the establishment of the Department of National Defence. The research covers a shorter than 1.5-year period when KGB, as a governance structure of the USSR, existed its last year and the Department of National Defence, a predecessor of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, was at the early stages of establishment. The lack of archive materials limited the ultimate fulfilment of the research objectives. The article falls into three parts addressing political and economic situation of the KGB at that time restricting its practical activities. According to the remaining documents, the KGB focused on the collection of information on the Department of National Defence. Necessary information was obtained from scarce secret agencies, public press and random sources. The Soviet security was particularly interested in the structure, possible relations with foreign special services, armament and capabilities of the Department of National Defence. The KGB formed and spread negative opinion on the Lithuanian Armed Forces. The analysis of available sources led to the conclusion that objective and subjective conditions prevented the Soviet special agency from taking specific effective measures limiting it only to the collection of information.

Based on the archives and historical materials, the article analyzes possible destructive actions of the Soviet security agency against the establishment of the Department of National Defence. The research covers a shorter than 1.5-year period when KGB, as a governance structure of the USSR, existed its last year and the Department of National Defence, a predecessor of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, was at the early stages of establishment. The lack of archive materials limited the ultimate fulfilment of the research objectives. The article falls into three parts addressing political and economic situation of the KGB at that time restricting its practical activities. According to the remaining documents, the KGB focused on the collection of information on the Department of National Defence. Necessary information was obtained from scarce secret agencies, public press and random sources. The Soviet security was particularly interested in the structure, possible relations with foreign special services, armament and capabilities of the Department of National Defence. The KGB formed and spread negative opinion on the Lithuanian Armed Forces. The analysis of available sources led to the conclusion that objective and subjective conditions prevented the Soviet special agency from taking specific effective measures limiting it only to the collection of information.

Based on the archives and historical materials, the article analyzes possible destructive actions of the Soviet security agency against the establishment of the Department of National Defence. The research covers a shorter than 1.5-year period when KGB, as a governance structure of the USSR, existed its last year and the Department of National Defence, a predecessor of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, was at the early stages of establishment. The lack of archive materials limited the ultimate fulfilment of the research objectives. The article falls into three parts addressing political and economic situation of the KGB at that time restricting its practical activities. According to the remaining documents, the KGB focused on the collection of information on the Department of National Defence. Necessary information was obtained from scarce secret agencies, public press and random sources. The Soviet security was particularly interested in the structure, possible relations with foreign special services, armament and capabilities of the Department of National Defence. The KGB formed and spread negative opinion on the Lithuanian Armed Forces. The analysis of available sources led to the conclusion that objective and subjective conditions prevented the Soviet special agency from taking specific effective measures limiting it only to the collection of information.

'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.