Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Master thesis analyzes Serbian EU integration process, reveals the political and economic status of Serbia. It also examines the situation in Serbia in terms of the political, economic criteria and the ability to take on the obligations of membership. Thesis also compares and analyzes Serbia's public polls researches towards EU integration. The first chapter of the Master thesis describes the research of the EU enlargement and integration genesis, describes the process of new member integration process and conditions, also states and anlyses the specific conditions of membership for Western Balkan countries. The second chapter presents full overview of the political conditions of former Yugoslavia, particular emphasis is placed on the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia, and on the failure of EU to prevent the conflicts in the region. The third chapter examines Serbia's political and economic transformation and ability to apply for EU membership. It also analyzes the position of different governments of Serbia on EU integration process. The last chapter analyzes public opinion on EU integration. The last part of the work analyzes specific conditions given from EU which influences public polls.
Master thesis analyzes Serbian EU integration process, reveals the political and economic status of Serbia. It also examines the situation in Serbia in terms of the political, economic criteria and the ability to take on the obligations of membership. Thesis also compares and analyzes Serbia's public polls researches towards EU integration. The first chapter of the Master thesis describes the research of the EU enlargement and integration genesis, describes the process of new member integration process and conditions, also states and anlyses the specific conditions of membership for Western Balkan countries. The second chapter presents full overview of the political conditions of former Yugoslavia, particular emphasis is placed on the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia, and on the failure of EU to prevent the conflicts in the region. The third chapter examines Serbia's political and economic transformation and ability to apply for EU membership. It also analyzes the position of different governments of Serbia on EU integration process. The last chapter analyzes public opinion on EU integration. The last part of the work analyzes specific conditions given from EU which influences public polls.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
Crimes against Humanity is one of the most dynamic categories in the International Criminal Law since it first appearance in the Charter of Nuremberg Military Tribunal in 1945 as an outgrowth of the war crimes. The concept of crimes against humanity in the Charter of Nuremberg Military Tribunal may be characterised by the following elements: crimes shall be carried out towards any civilian population, crimes can be carried out by the civil or military officers or actual agents of the state (policy element), crimes may be committed during the war or in peace time however such crimes requires conjunction with war crimes or crimes against peace. The concept of the crimes against humanity in later sources has developed steadily towards overall protection of fundamental human rights of civil population. First way of development concerns the elements and qualification criteria. First of all the conjunction between crimes against humanity and war crimes has been eliminated. It made crimes against humanity as an independent criminal category. Said development has been affirmed by the Rome Statute of International Criminal Court and were reflected in the Statute of International Criminal Tribunal for the Rwanda (ICTR) and UN Draft Code of Offences Against Peace and Security of Mankind. The jurisprudence of International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has significantly amended the element of policy. It was established that crimes against humanity may be carried out by the organisation or political group which controls territory and performs civil, military, politic administration de facto as well. The United Nations Draft Code of the Offences Against Peace and Security of Mankind in 1991 has introduced two alternative qualification criteria: requirement of large scale or systematic actions. Large scale (or widespread) criteria has been introduced in order to eliminate an isolated inhumane act committed by a perpetrator acting on his own initiative and directed against a single or couple of victims. According to the said criteria crimes against humanity may be committed only as an massive, frequent, large scale action carried out collectively with considerable seriousness directed against multiplicity of victims. Systematic criteria means that crimes against humanity shall be result of systematic actions as a thoroughly organised and following a regular pattern on the basis of a common policy involving substantial public or private resources. ; Nusikaltimai žmoniškumui yra viena iš dinamiškiausių tarptautinės baudžiamosios teisės kategorijų. Ši sąvoka pirmą kartą buvo pavartota 1945 m. Niurnbergo karo tribunolo įstatuose išplėstiniam karo nusikaltimui įvardyti, tačiau ilgainiui buvo papildoma ir tapo savarankiškesnė. Niurnbergo tribunolo įstatuose pateiktą sąvoką galima apibūdinti šiais požymiais: nusikaltimai žmoniškumui gali būti įvykdyti prieš bet kokius civilius gyventojus tiek taikos, tiek karo metu, juos įvykdyti gali civilinės arba karinės valdžios pareigūnai, arba faktiniai agentai (politikos elementas), jų kvalifikacijai būtina sąsaja su karo nusikaltimais arba nusikaltimais taikai. Nusikaltimų žmoniškumui sąvoka plėtojosi dviem kryptimis. Pirmoji plėtros kryptis apėmė nusikaltimų žmoniškumui požymių ir kvalifikavimo kriterijų pokyčius. Pirmiausia buvo atsisakyta reikalavimo, kad nusikaltimų žmoniškumui kvalifikavimas turi būti siejamas su karo nusikaltimais arba nusikaltimais taikai. Šis pokytis lėmė nusikaltimų žmoniškumui kaip savarankiško nusikaltimo atsiradimą. Šią traktuotę patvirtino ir vėliausias tarptautinės baudžiamosios teisės šaltinis – Tarptautinio baudžiamojo teismo Romos statutas, ji taip pat atsispindėjo Jungtinių tautų nusikaltimų taikai ir žmonijos saugumui kodekso projekte, Tarptautinio tribunolo asmenims, atsakingiems už genocidą ir kitus sunkius tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės pažeidimus Ruandos teritorijoje teisti (Ruandos tribunolo) statute.
