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This open access book focuses on the nexus between "party system stability" and "democratic consolidation", using Slovenia as a case study. Its findings are presented from a comparative perspective to illustrate the commonalities and differences found in research on Central European post-socialist countries and former Yugoslav countries. On the one hand, Slovenia's characteristics (including the characteristics of its transition to democracy) are far more similar to those of Central European post-socialist countries than Western Balkan countries. On the other, Slovenia shares some similarities with other parts of the former Yugoslavia – especially its experiences with the political system of socialist self-management, elements of a market economy under socialism, and war following the end of socialism (albeit the conflict in Slovenia was very short and rather mild in comparison to those in other parts of socialist Yugoslavia). Slovenia's experiences with rapid but limited democraticbacksliding under the Janša government (March 2019–June 2022) were halted by the 2022 national election – in contrast to the more widely known cases of Hungary and Poland, where such backsliding took place incrementally over a longer period of time that included several election cycles.

"Political Narratosophy offers a critically subversive rethinking of the political and philosophical significance of narrative, and why feminist epistemology and feminist social theory matters for the meaning of the 'self' and narrativity. Through a re-examination of the notions of democracy and emancipation, Senka Anastasova coins the term 'political narratosophy', a unique interpretation of the philosophy of narrative, identification, and disidentification, developed in conversation with philosophers Jacques Rancière, Nancy Fraser, and Paul Ricoeur. Utilizing the author's own identity as a feminist philosopher has lived in socialist Yugoslavia, post-Yugoslavia, and Macedonia (now North Macedonia), Anastasova explores the fluctuating and disappearing borders around which identity is situated in a country that no longer exists. She expertly reveals how the subject finds, makes and unmakes itself through narrativity, politics, and imagination. Political Narratosophy is an important intervention in political philosophy and a welcome contribution to the historiography on female authors who lived through twentieth century communism and its aftermath. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers in the fields of political theory, philosophy, women's studies, international relations, identity studies, (comparative) literary studies, and aesthetics studies"--

Frontmatter -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- (Ex) Yugoslav and (South-East) European -- B/ordering the (post-) Yugoslav space: A European experience -- "Faded scratches in marble": Federal b/ordering of socialist Yugoslavia -- Human rights: A b/ordering narrative in Central and Eastern Europe -- Making and mapping borders -- Borders as reused objects: The case of Slovenia -- Boundary stones: Standing witnesses of World War II borders in present-day Slovenia -- Mapping the uncertain: Difficulties with establishing the ethnic borders in interwar Yugoslavia -- Mapping ethno-politics: Borders and cartographic representation in post-Yugoslav (virtual) space -- Living and overcoming borders -- Production of territoriality in the Balkans: The border and the Monastery St. Naum -- Imagining the borders of a nation: Narratives of remembrance in the Northern Adriatic area -- Reshaping the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the Yugoslav Wars to the European integration -- Writing and sensing borders -- On word boundaries and blank spaces: Perceptions of orthography and writing reforms in the post-Serbo-Croatian language sphere -- Food, borders, and interactions in South-East Europe (1830s–1870s) -- Crossing culinary borders, blurring social boundaries: Balkan Grills in West Berlin -- Notes on contributors -- Index

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- About the Contributors -- PART ONE International and National Experiences with Sanctions -- 1 Economic Sanctions in Contemporary Global Relations -- 2 The United Nations Experience with Sanctions -- 3 Economic Sanctions as Tools of Foreign Policy -- 4 A Review of Economic Sanctions: A Russian Perspective -- PART TWO Assessing Sanctions -- 5 Factors Affecting the Success of Sanctions -- 6 The Problems and Promise of Sanctions -- 7 Sanctions and International Law -- 8 The Political and Moral Appropriateness of Sanctions -- 9 Economic Sanctions and the Just-War Doctrine -- PART THREE Case Studies -- 10 UN Sanctions Against Iraq -- 11 Economic Sanctions Against Iraq: Do They Contribute to a Just Settlement? -- 12 The Use of Sanctions in Former Yugoslavia: Misunderstanding Political Realities -- 13 The Use of Sanctions in Former Yugoslavia: Can They Assist in Conflict Resolution? -- 14 The Use of Sanctions in Haiti: Assessing the Economic Realities -- 15 Sanctions and Apartheid: The Economic Challenge to Discrimination -- PART FOUR The Future of Sanctions -- 16 A Proposal for a New United Nations Council on Economic Sanctions -- 17 Research Concerns and Policy Needs in an Era of Sanctions -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Book

The book documents and critically evaluates contemporary poetry within the dynamic field of cultural production in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the late 1980s. Its context spans three historico-political phases: firstly, the cusp on which socialism was already losing its primacy and ethno-nationalism was gaining dominance; secondly, the subsequent collapse of Yugoslavia and the ensuing war led by ethno-nationalist elites; and thirdly, the period of the aftermath of war — the so-called "post-war transition". This new approach to thinking about poetry in Bosnia and Herzegovina focuses on alternative cultural practices, which have articulated a more equitable organisation of Bosnian society. Such practices have the capacity not only to tell us how unfree we are, but also to shift the criteria of possibility of our freedom towards a more hopeful politics. Dr. Arsenijeviæ's knowledge of and passion for his research in cultural and literary studies and his art-theory political interventions shed scholarly light on the terror of inequality, the solidarity of unbribable life, relevant knowledge production, and material memories of war and genocide. He works throughout former Yugoslavia

AbstractThe European Union has sought to democratise its post-communist neighbours for the past three decades, starting with Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. Since the end of the wars in Former Yugoslavia in 2000, the EU first pursued closer integration with the Western Balkans followed by the goal of enlargement. However, despite intensive EU involvement, the fight against corruption has stagnated or deteriorated in post-communist Europe, particularly in Former Yugoslavia. The central question in the article is whether indirect EU influence has led municipal officials—who are at the front line of vital distributive decision-making for citizens at the local level—to imitate (or emulate) attitudes related to corruption and to informality in line with EU norms. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, where anti-corruption progress has been particularly slow. Using a survey of Serbian municipal officials, the article examines whether indirect EU influence via involvement in policy implementation affected attitudes towards informal payments, and through a vignette-based survey experiment, whether those involved in EU-compliant policy implementation are less accepting of local political elite corruption.

Historically, the role of journalism in society is bound to the prevailing conceptualization of the freedom of the press, specific societal, institutional, and material conditions of news production. This study explores self-perceptions of journalists working in the period of socialist Yugoslavia and synthetizes their recollections of journalistic orientations and performances with respect to journalism's place in society. The study is based on the oral history interviews with former journalists, who worked also as editors and foreign correspondents from late 1950s to 1990s at the news agency Tanjug, which was considered the information backbone of the federal media system in Yugoslavia and had considerable international relevance. By combining 'journalistic roles' studies as well as 'occupational life history' research this historical study makes twofold contribution. First, it identifies adaptive strategies of remembering used by the interviewed journalists to legitimize themselves as professionals and relevant interpreters of SFRY journalism. Second, it reveals more nuances within common, often simplified understandings of journalists as collaborators with power during socialism, and highlights roles of privileged disseminator, monitoring analyst, and educator as specific manifestations of collaborative function of journalism.

AbstractAfter World War II, Yugoslavia as a state was reconstituted by a small communist elite. Since this was an ideocratic rule, ideology was taken seriously by the elite and treated enthusiastically. One of the elite's initial goals was to speedily develop Yugoslavia, so that a Western level of economic development be achieved. Economic disparities among regions were also to have been overcome. For various reasons, this objective was never close to being achieved, although in certain periods economic development was strong. The elite tried to speed up growth by various incentives, including worker self‐management. Failure to achieve this goal and various economic troubles first precipitated mutual acrimony within the elite along national lines, while at the next stage, it brought about ethnic segmentation of the elite itself. By 1972, the elite had dissolved into national, although still communist, elites. The major reasons for this process are found in the very failure to achieve the developmental goal, in the consociational nature of the political system, and in the nature of the political elites, which were national ones. Elite segmentation sheds important light on the dissolution of the Yugoslav state.

AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito's "Voyages of Peace," playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia's international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.

In this chapter I address the ways in which popular music genres have been recycled in the Serbian post-socialist political landscape. Specifically, I analyse how Western-styled music production was relocated, both spatially and temporally, from being a vehicle of purported 'freedom of expression' in socialist Yugoslavia, to operating as a mechanism of Serbian banal nationalism. During the 1990s, Serbian nationalism emerged as an antagonistic force playing a crucial and dominant role in the violent breakup of Yugoslavia and aiming to retain control of vast swathes of land which were (in Serbian nationalistic discourse) perceived as parts of Serbian national territory. The aggressiveness of Serbian nationalism was reflected in various popular music genres, not least in the infamous turbo-folk. Thus, it is important to trace the mechanisms whereby certain products of popular music, through processes of spatiotemporal relocation, were employed in order to banalise the 'hot' Serbian nationalism, and represent it in a different, Westernised light. I will show how the pop and rock music became engrafted into seemingly innocuous representations of Serbian patriotism, or 'civic nationalism', through widely accepted practices which were even perceived as 'above the political' in the everyday jargon.

AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.

Despite criticism that has been leveled against Gabriel Millet's well-known tripartite subdivision of architecture of medieval Serbia into three distinct 'schools', its scholarly authority still remains largely unchallenged. Yet what is believed to have stemmed from Millet's ingenious research was inextricably linked with the ideological project of Serbian national emancipation during the first decades of the twentieth century. His stylistic triad of L'école de Rascie, L'école de la serbie byzantine and L'école de la Morava had an unexpectedly vivid and profound afterlife in the entirely new context of socialist Yugoslavia – in terms of both scholarship and ideological resonance. Its main proponent was Serbian architectural historian Aleksandar Deroko, whose book entitled Monumental and Decorative Architecture in Medieval Serbia apparently only reiterated the existing supervision of into 'groups'. Nevertheless, a closer look at three successive editions of the book published in 1953, 1962 and 1985 reveals a series of Deroko's encounters with the Milletian framework, suggesting that his enterprise can be seen as instrumental to the ideological re-appropriation of medieval heritage in the context of the national question in Yugoslavia.

Self-management socialism displayed ambiguities and vagueness in handling social controversy and public life in general, giving rise to numerous peculiarities particular to this social phenomenon in Yugoslavia. While a Leninist interpretation of democracy in socialism constituted the background of Edvard Kardelj's recipe for "socially responsible criticism," Yugoslavia and Slovenia were at the same time under the influence of western liberal concepts. Considering the political and ideological contexts of late socialism, the article discusses the systemic way of dealing with social criticism between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s, while trying to determine the impact of these circumstances on the subsequent evolvement of democratisation. Prior to the major social shifts of the second half of the 1980s, the "pluralism of self-management interests" could be articulated in practice primarily in a way that did not force it into competition with the Party. In those cases when this nevertheless occurred, the leading political establishment preferred to leave it to its "proxies" to deal with the transgressors, while itself taking on arbitrary positions that displayed some of the key features of the late-socialist regime in Slovenia.

This article revisits the history of Yugoslavia to trace the unique ways in which the national airline Yugoslav Airlines (JAT) served as a powerful tool of Yugoslav, and then post-Yugoslav, Serbian state identity construction from 1975 to 2013, when JAT ceased to exist. I analyze the complete archives of the JAT Review to trace the stunning reconstruction of Yugoslav state identity over time: from the height of the Yugoslav "brand" in the 1970s as the country served a pivotal role in the Non-Aligned Movement, to the slow decline in pan-Yugoslav identity and the rise of sub-Yugoslav nationalisms throughout the 1980s, to the final dissolution of the country and collapse of Yugoslav identity in the 1990s. Building on insights from the nation-branding literature, I conduct a textual and visual analysis of articles, photographs, and ads that appeared on the pages of the JAT Review. The analysis points to the complex and often contradictory ways in which Yugoslavia constructed its multiple identities to project power and status in the international sphere, while simultaneously maintaining citizen loyalty at home.

This article traces the development of Soviet policy towards the communist partisan movement in Yugoslavia from the German invasion in 1941 to the liberation of the country at the end of 1944. In doing so, it addresses this topic for the first time through the lens of the Soviet decision-making process, following developments across the entire duration of the war. Based on Soviet sources, it shows that, in the context of the shifting balance of forces among the Western Allies, Moscow was ready to put aside the popular front strategy and to encourage local communists to challenge the political order supported by the British and the Americans while the Second World War was still raging. The example of Yugoslavia, however, also shows that this apparently clear strategy covered deep uncertainties on the Soviet side as to the real intentions of the British, the room for manoeuvre enjoyed by Moscow, and the way in which relations with a new communist state in the making should be established. The Soviets were largely successful in their attempt to support Tito while avoiding repercussions for the Great Alliance, although in the long term their achievements backfired.