El v. 3 contiene: Afaires d'Italie de l'année MDCXXXIX passées entre Madame la Duchesse, & Princes de la Maison de Savoye. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Marca tipográfica en la portada. ; Sign.: A-Z12, Aa12 ; A-Z12, Aa-Ee12, Ff10 ; A-V12, X6. ; Retrato calcográfico de Richelieu en el vol. 1
Mode of access: Internet. ; En el t. I retrato del autor : "C. N. Cochin delin., Louis le Grand sculp." ; Las h. de grab. calcográfico representan escenas sobre el comercio y mapas pleg. ; Antep. ; Sign.: a6, A-Z12, Aa-CC12, Dd6, Ee12, Ff2 ; a4, A-T12, V-X8 ; a4, A-Z12, Aa-Ee12 ; a4, A-S12, T8, V10 ; a6, A-T12, V6 ; a4, A-S12, T4 ; a4, A-V12, X2.
The purpose of this article is to discuss the views and opinions of contemporary Muslim scholars on organisational accountability in Islam. The paper is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews and a review of the relevant documents. Eighteen interviews with twelve Muslim scholars, two ulamas (mufti), two organisational donors, and two relevant government officers, both in Indonesia and in Malaysia were, respectively, conducted. The Muslim scholars interviewed perceived that accounting and accountability activities are not contradictory to Islamic teachings. The accountability relationship in Islam is viewed as not only fulfilling the legal requirements, but also fulfilling the relationship with God. The findings clearly indicate that a formal accountability mechanism is strongly encouraged in Islam, and financial reporting is viewed as essential in enhancing the accountability of Islamic religious organizations. Therefore, any organization dealing with community funds must demonstrate its financial accountability formally; i.e., through written reports. Thus, public or community trust in the organisation cannot replace the accountability mechanism.
[Gregorio Leti] ; Signaturformel: q12, a - z12, aa - bb12. - Paginierfehler: Bl. bb: S.-Zählung springt von S. 576 auf 579 ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Eur. 271-1/2
Mode of access: Internet. ; Descripción basada en CCPB. ; La mención de vol. precede a la mención de ed. en la port. ; Port. a dos tintas. ; Anteportada. ; Sign.: [ ]2, *8, A-Z12, 2A12, 2B8.
Our research advances the hypothesis and empirically establishes that a higher incidence of solar eclipses is associated with higher social complexity and complex thinking in premodern societies. We construct a novel dataset of solar eclipses' incidence at the ethnic-group level, bringing together a wide range of historical, ethnic and GIS data sources. We exploit variations in the exposure to solar eclipses in a set of 1267 ethnic groups derived from Murdock's 1967 Ethnographic Atlas. Variation in the exposure to total eclipses is exogenous, as eclipses are randomly and sparsely distributed all over the globe. Moreover, unlike other natural phenomena, solar eclipses do not destroy capital |be it human or physical. We use jurisdictional hierarchy levels, political integration and class stratification to account for social complexity. Increasing levels of gods' involvement in human affairs and the play of games proxy for complex thinking. Our results are robust to a wide range of geographical and ethnic-group controls as well as to a horse race regression between solar eclipses and other natural phenomena: lunar eclipses, earthquakes and volcano eruptions. As a potential mechanism, we hypothesize that solar eclipses and the fear they instilled raise the demand for explanations. Societies that experience frequently such episodes develop more complex societal structures and become more versed in complex thinking in an attempt to comprehend and eventually control the natural environment.
For a panel of 122 cities observed over 300 years in medieval northern-central Italy, we document that the occurrence of an earthquake retarded institutional transition from the feudal regime to the commune (free city state) in cities where the political and the religious leaders were one and the same person, but not in cities where political and religious powers were distinct. This effect holds both for destructive seismic episodes and for events that were felt by the population but did not cause any material damage to persons or objects. These findings are consistent with the idea that earthquakes represented a positive shock to people's religious beliefs and enhanced the relative ability of politicalreligious leaders to restore social order after a crisis with respect to the emerging communal institutions and civic associations. This interpretation is supported by historical evidence.
This contribution studies the impact of modernization on the onset of Islamist conflict. To capture the multi-dimensional phenomenon of modernization, we create a unique modernization index. Our empirical analysis for 154 countries for the 1971-2006 period provides robust evidence that modernization rather than economic underdevelopment or a lack of democracy increases the likelihood of the onset of Islamist conflict. This relationship especially matters to Islamist groups that aim at a regime change, i.e., the establishment of an Islamic state, while separatist groups seem to be more strongly affected by minority discrimination. We argue that from a rational-economic point of view the adverse effects of modernization lower the opportunity costs of conflict and raise its benefits. Additionally, an Islamist framing of modernization grievances affects the cost-benefit considerations of potential Islamist militants in ways that make violence even more likely (e.g., by offering spiritual rewards). An Islamist interpretation of modernization grievances furthermore provides Islamist militants with a political objective (the establishment of an Islamic state) to remedy the perceived ills of modernization.
Adolf Hitler's seizure of power was one of the most consequential events of the twentieth century. Yet, our understanding of which factors fueled the astonishing rise of the Nazis remains highly incomplete. This paper shows that religion played an important role in the Nazi party's electoral success---dwarfing all available socio-economic variables. To obtain the first causal estimates we exploit plausibly exogenous variation in the geographic distribution of Catholics and Protestants due to a peace treaty in the sixteenth century. Even after allowing for sizeable violations of the exclusion restriction, the evidence indicates that Catholics were significantly less likely to vote for the Nazi Party than Protestants. Consistent with the historical record, our results are most naturally rationalized by a model in which the Catholic Church leaned on believers to vote for the democratic Zentrum Party, whereas the Protestant Church remained politically neutral.