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One of Zionism's stock tacics has been to conflate Zionism and Judaism. Just as there are Jewish opponents of the racist Israeli state today, there have always been opponents of the Zionist strategy for dealing with anti-semitism. Zionism, as a political movement was established during the late 1890s. It was fought, from the start, by another modern political movement which in the same period. Rather than examine this aspect of the politics of the largest organisation of Jewish workers, the Bund in the Russian empire, this paper considers the attitude of its sister organisation in the Austrian Empire, the Jewish Social Democratic Party of Galicia (JSDP). Jewish social democrats in Galicia were, as members of the Polish Social Democratic Party (PPSD), in competition with Zionists for the allegiance of workers during the 1890s. The PPSD did not, however, take the organisations of Jewish workers seriously and Zionism made headway in the Jewish working class. In 1904, an Austrian Poale Zion (PZ, Labour Zionist) organisation in 1904. Dissatisfied with the assimilationist policies of the PPSD and, especially, its neglect of Jewish workers' organisations and agitation and literature in Yiddish, dissident Jewish socialists, led by Henryk Grossman, announded the formation of the JSDP on Mayday 1905. From the its first public statements, the Party emphasised its fundamental commitment to the class organisation of the Jewish workers, solidarity with the international working class and a commitment to class struggle. On the basis of this position, the Party explicity rejected Zionism. The JSDP's campaign against Zionist was an ongoing, if subordinate feature of its political activity. The Jewish Social Democrats competed with PZ for members of its constituent unions, particularly amongst shop assistants and clerks. The two organisations supported rival candidates in the first election to the Austrian Imperial Parliament under universal suffrage, in 1907, and in provincial (which years were there elections to the Sjem, municipal, workers' insurance fund ballots. When they eventually suppported the same candidates, on some occasions, it was because PZ moved to the left and backed social democrats. In the campaign for universal suffrage, the JSDP's policies were in accord with those of the General Austrian Social Democratic Party, calling for equal, geographic constituencies, while PZ backed the Zionist demand for elections by national curia. The JSDP also exposed the inadequacies of Zionist policies through material in its weekly newspaper, Der sotsial-demokrat. It carried articles not only on the doings and faults of Zionists and PZ members in Galicia and Austria, but also an expose of the conditions facing Jewish workers in Palestine, and a review of one of the first expressions of Arab nationalism published in the west. Like the Bund, the JSDP after 1905 had considerable success in organising Jewish workers. It rapidly overtook the influence of PZ and built an organisation committed to the emancipation of the Jewish working class where it was, rather than flight in the face of anti-semitism and class collaboration in pursuit of the project of colonising Arab land.

Democracy and human rights have barely reached most of the Middle East. Many women and minorities lack equality. Not surprisingly, life for gays and lesbians can be difficult. Members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered communities are frequently harassed, persecuted and sometimes even executed. It's a place where many lesbian and gay people live in fear and isolation. But in the middle of all this, you'll find Israel, and open-minded gay-friendly Tel Aviv.

Proceedings of a conference held at Park East Synagogue, New York, N.Y., March 11 & 12, 2007. Designated the Eighteenth volume (p. 439), it is the nineteenth conference. The tenth conference was never published. ; The offerings in this volume reflect the mood today, with passions and tensions generated by security concerns and social and spiritual challenges to the Jewish State, following the disengagement from Gaza. One senses a significant increase in polarization between the population within Israel and in the Diaspora than a decade ago. The lack of consensus on political and ideological directions and a serious yearning for effective and inspiring spiritual and communal leadership are reflected in various articles in this work. Many may decry the growing rift in the overall Diaspora/Israel relationship in the United States, however, the Modern Orthodox/ Religious Zionist community has coalesced. The disengagement from Gaza has led to a more invigorated Religious Zionist community in North America that identifies with the concerns faced by its counterparts in the State of Israel. While the Jewish people in both the North American and Israeli communities are frustrated by the absence of visionary leadership, they are seeking new ways to strengthen and contribute to Israeli society. The challenge for the Religious Zionist community, worldwide, is to channel its internal energies and idealism to address concerns not only for Israel's survival needs, but to develop a clarifying vision for its future. The articles that follow highlight the precarious times in which we live and also capture the confidence in Israel's promising future. [from the Series Editor's Preface] ; The Orthodox Forum gratefully acknowledges the support of the Joseph J. and Bertha K. Green Memorial Fund at the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary established by Morris L. Green, of blessed memory

This article characterizes the modern Jewish debate around Zionism as a profound political theological controversy by juxtaposing the works of two significant twentieth-century Jewish scholars, Jakob Klatzkin (1882–1948) and Hans Jonas (1903–1993). While Klatzkin campaigned for Zionism as Gnosticism, Jonas critically challenged this link in his writings from the 1950s and 1960s. In presenting a theological reading of modern Jewish secular thought, the article transcends the political controversy between Zionists and Post-Zionists of the recent decades and proposes a new horizon in the study of Jewish modern-secular thought.

Christian Zionist influence on American decision making regarding the Middle East in general and Israel in particular.

This paper takes as its starting point Edward Said's distinction between 'religious' and 'secular' modes of cultural affiliation. As these simultaneously diverging and converging modes also trammel the particular grounds of thinking that have been Said's natural target of criticism - Zionism - his work speaks particularly powerfully to the debate surrounding the religious genealogy of Jewish identity. This paper argues that Said's interventions on Zionism highlight as problematic the position whereby the 'Ingathering of the Exiles' is promoted as coexisting with a 'diasporic consciousness' nurtured by Judaism during exile; messianic hopes of religious Jews cannot be reconciled with physical return to the Promised Land; identity circumscribed by ethnicity and place cannot stand in as exemplary for the exiled, unsettled and ultimately homeless identity trumpeted by discourses of the 'post', as many contemporary theorists would have it. And yet through an exploration of the writings of David Grossman, whose construction of Jewish identity is envisaged through the regulating, competing and collaborating tropes of Zionism and Diaspora, I argue that this position is crucial for the elaboration of Israeli identity. I also argue that in fact there is room within Said's thinking both for the anti-essentialist elaboration of 'homeless' identities as well as 'the permission to narrate' an identity politics, and that his own distinction between the 'secular' and the 'religious' begins to disassemble. I explore this blurring of the sacred and the secular through the prism of Exodus - as both concept and narrative. This paper suggests that it is precisely Said's achievement to embody these tensions between religion and its other, divine providence and human agency, historical materialism and postmodernism, alienation and its perennially tempting opposite: home.

On the basis of survey data, this article puts into perspective the thesis of a new anti-Semitism based on the diabolisation of Israel and Zionism and carried by a radical and third-mondist extreme left. In France, the reported anti-Semitic opinions are rather declining, the opposition to anti-Jewish acts is increasing, and it is always on the extreme right of the political sphere that the proportion and progression of Jewish opinions is most pronounced. ; With help of information collected from surveys, this article puts into perspective the theory of a new anti-Semitism, based on the demonisation of Israel and Zionism, conveyed by the far extreme left and the supporters of the Third World. In France, expressed anti- Semite opinions are losing ground while the disapproval of acts against the Jews is growing. It is still in the far extreme right that the number and the progression of anti-Semite opinions are the most important. ; On the basis of survey data, this article puts into perspective the thesis of a new anti-Semitism based on the diabolisation of Israel and Zionism and carried by a radical and third-mondist extreme left. In France, the reported anti-Semitic opinions are rather declining, the opposition to anti-Jewish acts is increasing, and it is always on the extreme right of the political sphere that the proportion and progression of Jewish opinions is most pronounced. ; À partir de données de sondage, cet article relativise la thèse d'un nouvel antisémitisme fondé sur la diabolisation d'Israël et du sionisme et porté par une extrême gauche radicale et tiers-mondiste. En France, les opinions antisémites déclarées sont plutôt en recul, la réprobation envers les actes antijuifs va croissant, et c'est toujours à l'extrême droite du champ politique que la proportion et la progression des opinions judéophobes sont le plus marquées.

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."

Through a textual and contextual analysis of Martin Buber's scholarly disquisition, Königtum Gottes (1932), the article focuses on his critique of political Messianism. This critique is addressed to his friends who participated in the Bavarian Revolution of 1918/19, the political theology of Friedrich Gogarten and Carl Schmitt, and given trends in Zionism. This article discusses the affinities of Buber's critique of political Messianism with that of Max Weber who like Buber called for a political and ethical re-valorization of the everyday. This call is contrasted with Walter Benjamin's political Messianism, whose dialectic in effect endorses a similar ethos.

A sociedade israelense constitui um exemplo interessante de religião da política, ou seja, um exemplo de como a dimensão política de uma sociedade pode adquirir um aspecto religioso próprio, assumindo um caráter de sacralidade. No início da experiência sionista acentua-se em Israel a religião do trabalho, a construção de um calendário cívico, a formação de uma nova identidade nacional. A partir da metade dos anos 1970, outros fatores prevalecem: a memória da Shoah, a construção de lugares do martírio nacional, o mito da resistência até o último homem. Chama-se a atenção, neste ensaio, para os percursos de uma sociedade civil que sente a necessidade de reescrever os contornos de sua identidade e remodelar a memória pública, pensando em si mesma como comunidade nacional. ; Israeli society constitutes an interesting example of the religion of politics, that is, an example of how the political dimension of a society may acquire a religious aspect of its own and assume a sacred character. In the beginning of the Zionist experience, the religion of labor, the construction of a civic calendar and of a new national identity gained importance. From the mid 1970's on, other factors have prevailed. They are: memories from the Ha-Shoah, the construction of national martyrdom sites, and the myth of resistance until the last man. In this essay, the tracks taken by a civil society that feels the necessity of redefining the contours of its identity and remodeling its public memory, considering itself a national community, are emphasized.

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."

The focus of this article is the radical and activist parts of the wider Israeli settler community on the West Bank. This Radical Israeli Settler Movement should not be confused with the general settler community in the West Bank, even if the more radical groups often recruit their members from the general settler community. The Radical Israeli Settler Movement today includes groups such as Kach, The Committee for Safety on the Roads and The Jewish Legion. The purpose of this article is to analyse some instances of violence in the radical Israeli settler movement and to identify recurring features and processes in this violence. It will be argued that these features and processes are important factors in understanding why certain movements use violence. It will also be argued that future comparative studies are needed, which include other contexts where similar radical movements have become violent, in order to develop a general theory of ethno-religious movements using political violence.