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Slavoj Zizek is a fifty year old Slovenian philosopher and psychoanalist working in both Lubiana and the United States. He has been renowned and widely read abroad for years. His first Italian translation appeared in 1999 (Il grande altro, Milan, Feltrinelli). At the end of the same year L'isterico sublime. Psicoanalisi e idealismo tedesco (Milan, SA/TUROS Edizioni) was published: this is a sort of psychoanalitic reading of the notion of subject, as it is investigated in Hegel's works. Zizek has also published some essays in "aut aut" (nn.293-294 e 296-297). An attentive observer of mass social phenomena, of the political dimension and the mechanisms of power (from the Balcan conflicts to Hitchcock movies), Zizek investigates his subjects using both the traditional philosophical methods and the psychoanalitic approach, notably Lacan's. In this interview, conducted by Fabio Polidori, we asked him to speak of his researches in the context of the present situation.

En el contexto del imperio de los sofistas posmodernos, el siguiente artículo intenta sistematizar un punto en el debate de autores que resisten dicha supremacía. En particular se presenta la lectura que realiza Zizek en su Espinoso Sujeto de las posiciones teóricas de Badiou y Laclau (para lo cual utiliza como matriz su lectura del esfuerzo infinito kantiano). Luego de ello se discute la utilización del concepto de negatividad que le permite a este autor realizar dicho ejercicio crítico. In the context of the empire of the postmodern sophists, the article tries to systematize a point in the debate of authors who resist such supremacy. In particular, the text presents Zizek's reading in his Ticklish Subject, of the theoretical positions of Badiou and Laclau (for which he uses as his matrix his reading of the Kantian infinite effort). After that, we discuss the use of the concept of negativity that allows this author to perform this critical exercise.

In this article, I interpret Zizek&rsquo ; s recent call to &ldquo ; abandon hope&rdquo ; and embrace the &ldquo ; courage of hopelessness,&rdquo ; as a provocation to articulate a new kind of utopia, rather than an endorsement of despair. On Zizek&rsquo ; s analysis, progressive hopes are currently directed towards fixing the existing situation, rather than accepting that the things that we hope will not happen are, in fact, about to happen&mdash ; unless individuals, at last, summon the political resolution to act decisively. In a context of the &ldquo ; privatisation of hope,&rdquo ; however, where social despair has already been weaponised by the alt-Right, it is crucial to grasp Zizek&rsquo ; s intervention not as the expression of a tragic existential attitude of resignation to disaster, but as an effort to articulate the formal coordinates of a radical alternative. I interpret Zizek&rsquo ; s commentary, in the context of his overall theory of ideology, as an effort to articulate the &ldquo ; hope of the hopeless,&rdquo ; involving a kind of faith (in the future) without belief (in miracles), which requires the formulation of a new social principle that does not rely on the deceptive promise of a guaranteed positive outcome.

In a time of political passivism in Western democracies, this article argues for the value of Cornelius Castoriadis's radical theory of autonomy as a means of conceptualising (wo)man's ability to pro-actively create new social institutions ex nihlo. In making this argument, however, it also seeks to 'correct' a key flaw within the model of subjectivity underlying this theory of autonomy. Castoriadis's attempts to bypass the notion of alienation as a metaphysical given, led him to an internally contradictory conception of subjectivity based around an originary monadic psyche. Through a critical re-reading of Castoriadis's position through that of Slavoj Žižek's 'transcendental materialist theory of subjectivity', this article shows how (re)inserting alienation into the former's work as a constitutive element of the autonomous subject makes it possible to overcome the aforementioned contradiction whilst maintaining a concept of radical autonomous social change that goes beyond Žižek's own rather inactive conception of 'the Act'.

Introduction: The current moment is affected by the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic; so, an exercise was carried out to evaluate potential damages and emerging alternatives from the perspective of modern theorists Byung-Chul Han and Slavoj Zizek. Presentation of experience: A theoretical contrast exercise was carried out by collecting news articles, works recently written by both authors, and consulting secondary sources available on web portals of international organizations. Discussion: The theoretical contrasts by both authors pose various implications of social, economic and political order, but passing through the emergence of new trends linked to collectivism and communitarianism as possible axes of human action, with humans seen reinventing the cycle of production and consumption that has traditionally prevailed. Conclusion: The exercise allowed an assessment of human life over the economy. Politics will cross decision mechanisms that will imply a future with collectivism and communitarianism as the key to balance, and as an option to face post-pandemic scenarios. ; Introducción: El momento actual se ve afectado por la pandemia SARS-CoV-2, por lo que se hace el ejercicio de evaluar los potenciales daños y las alternativas emergentes desde la mirada de los teóricos de la modernidad Byung-Chul Han y Slavoj Zizek. Presentación de experiencia: Se hizo un ejercicio de contraste teórico haciendo acopio de artículos de noticia, obras escritas recientemente por ambos autores y consultando fuentes secundarias disponibles en los portales web de organismo internacionales. Discusión: Los contrastes teóricos por ambos autores plantean varias implicaciones de orden social, económico y político, pero pasando por el surgimiento de nuevas tendencias vinculadas al colectivismo y al comunitarismo como posibles ejes del actuar humano, que se verá reinventando el ciclo de producción y consumo que ha imperado tradicionalmente. Conclusión: El ejercicio permitió una valoración de la vida humana por sobre la economía. La política cruzará por mecanismos de decisión que implicarán un futuro con colectivismo y comunitarismo como clave para el equilibrio y como opción para afrontar los escenarios postpandemia.

Ernesto Laclau al presentarnos la obra de S. Zizek El sublime objeto de la ideología señala que el psicoanálisis lacaniano no constituye un corpus cerrado sino, por el contrario, éste se ha diseminado por distintos campos. Sin embargo, en su país de origen, Francia, esta teoría se ha focalizado en la praxis clínica; en otros países, por el contrario, se ha bifurcado por otros senderos; así, por ejemplo, en los Estados Unidos, polemizó con el feminismo, mientras que en los países eslavos las categorías lacanianas han sido aplicadas, especialmente, a la filosofía política y al análisis de la ideología totalitaria y, por sobre todo, a la situación política de la naciente democracia de estos países; pero, en esencia, lo que más distingue a esta escuela es la lectura de Hegel a través del psicoanálisis; este marco epistemológico pulveriza la imagen del filósofo germano como "idealista monista", pues marca la diferencia y la contingencia. ; Ponencia presentada en la Comisión O-Filosofía Política ; Departamento de Filosofía

Conferencia realizada en la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la UBA el 25 de noviembre de 2003

El punto de partida del presente trabajo consiste en indagar hasta qué punto es posible encontrar en Slavoj Žižek y en la ―teoría de la comunización‖ elementos para la construcción de un concepto negativo de inmediatez liberado de la asociación tradicional con la positividad y capaz de constituirse en instrumento para una estrategia teórica y para una práctica del presente. En primer lugar, se realiza una presentación del concepto de ―inmediación negativa‖ en la que se destacan su negatividad y su conceptualización como universal concreto. Esta concepción de la inmediatez es confrontada con otras dos posibles interpretaciones que conllevan una vindicación de la mediación dialéctica. Sostenemos que lo que hace la mediación dialéctica es nulificar algo que ya es en sí mismo negativo; la negación que ejerce la mediación es ya una suerte de ―negación de la negación‖ que genera una nueva positividad. En segundo lugar, se reconstruye la periodización realizada por Théorie Communiste de las fases de subsunción capitalista. Esto permite concluir la pertinencia de una política inmediatista-negativa en el marco de lo que este colectivo considera la segunda etapa de subsunción real, así como también comprender mejor las aporías de la acción revolucionaria. En tercer lugar, se analiza la relación entre la concepción de Žižek del acto en tanto destitución simbólica del sujeto y la necesidad postulada por este filósofo de la constitución de un nuevo orden positivo como alternativa al capitalismo gracias a la mediación del Partido. Por último, se comparan las posiciones de Théorie Communiste y de Žižek a fin de combinarlas en la construcción de un concepto negativo de inmediación. De la primera, se incorpora su periodización del ciclo de lucha de clases y su comprensión de la acción comunista en calidad de auto-abolición inmediata y negativa. Del segundo, se destaca una noción similar de ―destitución simbólica‖ con la condición de rescatar la figura subjetiva que emerge con ella, frente a la posición de Théorie Communiste que ve en esta figura una similitud con las categorías de la reproducción del capital. ; The starting point of the present work consists in investigating to what extent is it possible to find in Slavoj Žižek and in the ―communization theory‖ some elements for the construction of a negative concept of immediacy freed from the traditional association with positivity and capable of constitute itself in a instrument for a theoretical strategy and a practice for the present. In first place, it is performed a presentation of the concept of ―negative immediacy‖ in which it is emphasized its inherent negativity and its conceptualization as a concrete universal. This conception of the immediacy is confronted with two possible interpretations involving a vindication of negative mediation. We hold that what negative mediation does lies in nullifying something that it is in itself egative; the negation introduced by mediation is already a sort of ―negation of negation‖ which generates a new positivity. In second place, we reconstruct the periodization made by Théorie Communiste of the stages of capitalist subsumption. This allows concluding the relevance of a negative-immediatist politics in the frame of what this political collective considers as the second stage of real subsumption, and also it allows a better understanding of the aporias of revolutionary action. In third place, we analize the relation of Žižek's conception of the act as a symbolic destitution of the subject and the necessity established by this philosopher for the constitution of a new positive order understood as an alternative to capitalism thanks to the mediation of the Party. Lastly, we compare the positions of Théorie Communiste and of Žižek in order to combine them in the construction of a negative concept of immediacy. From the first position we incorporate its periodization of the cycle of class struggle and its comprehension of communist action in terms of an immediate and negative self-abolition. From the second position, we highlight a similar notion of ―symbolic destitution‖ under the condition of rescuing the subjective figure that emerges with it versus the position held by Théorie Communiste, which sees in this figure something similar to a category of reproduction of capital. ; Fil: Assalone, Eduardo Francisco. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Casadei, Francisco. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata; Argentina

During and after the airing of the last season of "Game of Thrones" there had been a multitude of critical reactions from the viewers around the world. This article is centered particularly around the criticism of the socio-political commentary found within the show. In that regard, the focus will be on an analysis of a short article written by Zizek, published in online edition of The Independent, titled "Game of Thrones tapped into fears of revolution and political women - and left us no better off than before" in which he outlines his own critique of the show. Since Zizek is one of the most renown intellectuals of our time, I find Zizek's beliefs and the way he outlines them worthy of analysis, especially since the analysis is about the most globally popular show of the second decade of the 21st century. Contextualizing Zizek's writing into a more basic critical discourse which had developed around the way the writers, Benioff and Weiss, decided to end the show, here I shall shed light on a couple of points which are in either direct or indirect link with the source text. The following aspects shall be considered: Firstly, the influence Zizek has on his like-minded audience and on what his influence is based upon, i.e. what are his responsibilities as a well-known, outspoken intellectual; then, continued breakdown of certain aspects of the plot and character development from the show about which Zizek himself has written; finally, "Game of Thrones" itself will be taken into consideration as a work of fiction and as a global cultural phenomenon. One of the main goals of this article is to showcase the dangers of reading these kinds of "instant" articles without applying the necessary levels of critical thought, especially when they bear the signature of a worldwide renown intellectual. But maybe even more important than that, is to show how there lies a possibility for multiple different ways of interpreting and enjoying the show, of how open it is as a work of fiction; to indicate how important it is to study such a cultural phenomenon within anthropology with a holistic approach.

The article has three parts. First of all, it considers a series of overlaps between the postcolonial and Žižek's own work. Then, it examines three objections of Žižek against the postcolonial – that it reduces issues of political-economic struggle to cultural/psychological analysis, that it involves a 'prettification' or detraumatization of the Other, and that its notion of 'alternative modernities' ultimately embodies a collusion with global capital to provide a facade of diversity – and considers some of the problems these create not merely for the postcolonial theorist, but also for Žižek's own project. In particular, it argues Žižek's frequent lumping together of postcolonialism with political correctness overlooks what really drives the postcolonial critique of Western-centered discourse – a desire to restore, as fully as possible, the dimensions of the Real to both sympathetic as well as hostile versions of the non-Western Other, a re-introduction of ontological complexity to idealisations/demonizations which, whilst not synonymous with Žižek's own notion of an "ethical stance", certainly come a lot closer than he is willing to admit. Finally, the article examines the possibility that Žižek's selective indifference to historical context, particularly in his treatment of the non-Western world, ironically reflects the late capitalist evaporation of history he has critiqued elsewhere. Ending with the late Marx's turn to ethnography, the essay argues that Žižek and the postcolonial have things to learn from one another, and that a more historically –inflected critique of hegemony on Žižek's part would supply a much-needed concretization of the universal in his work.

Recent literary theory has assumed that literary works are reflections of the dominant ideological thought present within culture. This thesis addresses the question of what role the aesthetic nature of a literary work plays in determining its own ideological meaning. Terry Eagleton claims that literature and literary theory have reinforced the dominant political modes of thought, as the aesthetic properties have merely masked this ideological function, and must be disregarded in order to reveal the true ideological nature contained within a work. Deriving his framework from Jaques Lacan, Slavoj Zizek argues that ideology is pervasive through all levels of culture, inseparable from fundamental understanding. He further reveals a divide between the Symbolic order which contains conceptualized understanding in language, and the Real which escapes such definition. Umberto Eco argues that interpretation must remain coherent with the totality of the work in order to avoid overinterpretation, which uses the work as an example of something external to itself. Alan Sinfield argues that literature reveals "faultlines" within a culture, and allows dissident views to engage with dominant ideologies. Mikhail Bakhtin's view of dialogism suggests that any literary expression will contain multiple views or ideologies, including internally persuasive ones which can be contained within aesthetic expression, and external authoritative ones which remain detached from artistic nature. This thesis argues that defining a work of literature as a particular example of an ideological position disregards the aesthetic qualities it possesses and reduces it to an indistinguishable cultural artifact which is used as an example of culture without recognizing the unique experience that it provides as a narrative. Such attempts diminish the continuing possibilities of meaning that a work can generate through its ambiguous nature. Rather, the aesthetic qualities of literature allow it to provide multiple meanings which surpass reduction to a specific ideological position, even as it necessarily possesses ideological content. Final ideological conclusions are deferred, and interpretative freedom is provided for the reader to reach individual conclusions in the aesthetic space beyond Symbolic conceptualized thought which allows a remainder of meaning to escape ideology as a hint of the Real.

En el presente artículo se delinean los contornos de la teoría del Acto político desarrollada por Slavoj Zizek. En un primer paso se da cuenta de los cimientos ontológico-materialistas sobre los que la misma se erige, luego se demarca el Acto de otras modalidades que posee y finalmente se analizan sus componentes categoriales y detallan las condiciones que su cumplimiento exige. En tanto representa un terreno más real que la realidad misma, se acude al cine para pensar las especificidades de la teoría en cuestión. ; In the present paper I sketch the contours of the theory of political Act developed by Slavoj Žižek. In a first step I present the materialistic-ontological foundations on which the latter lies, then I demarcate the Act from other of its modalities and finally I analyze its conceptual components and detail the conditions that its fulfillment demands. Given that cinema represents a field that is more real that reality itself, I appeal to it in order to think the characteristics of the theory of political Act. ; Fil: Roggerone, Santiago Martín. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones ; Argentina

Slavoj Zizek argues that, if Althusser was an adamant structuralist who reduced subject to a mere function of ideology, Lacan was a genuine critic of such a position, who showed how the subject can separate itself from the symbolic structure of ideology. Zizek's portrayal of the debate, however, is not only based on a misapprehension of Lacan's own theory but also fails to notice that, when the two theorists collided on the question of structuralism in the late 1960s, the issue was not the separation, but how ideology as a social practice is to be situated in relation to other social practices. In this debate, it was actually Lacan who upheld structuralism. Based on this rectified picture of the debate, I argue that Althusser may better assist us in understanding the logic of politics of emancipation. I maintain that the difficulty Althusser faced in his theorization of ideological revolt did not arise from his refusal of Lacan's idea of the subject of the unconscious located "beyond interpellation" but from his non-critical acceptance of a proposition of classical Marxism which tautologically defines the dominant ideology as the ideology of the dominant class. My dissertation, however, does not dismiss Lacan's problematic; quite the contrary, it proposes to regard him as a theorist of civility who tried to tackle the issue of extreme violence. Moreover, I demonstrate that Althusser himself was drawn near such a theoretical motif of Lacan's in some of his posthumously published texts on Machiavelli. I examine convergences and divergences in their attempts to theorize a politics of civility.

Reviews the three way conversation among Ernesto Laclau, Slavoj Zizek, and Judith Butler on leftist political theories of hegemony and universality and social change. My essay introduces the concept of a "Negative Universal" for there first time.

Jeanette Winterson&rsquo ; s magical realist love stories, such as The Passion, have been read by some critics in terms of a tendency to idealise romance as a transformative passion that transcends social structures. In this article, I propose that Winterson&rsquo ; s recent gothic novel, The Daylight Gate, critically revises a set of Romantic themes first broached in The Passion, exposing and interrogating the fantasy scenario at the centre of romantic love. This narrative about magic and the devil explores the ambivalence of passion as possession&mdash ; diabolical and contractual&mdash ; before using this to critique the desire for transcendence implied by &ldquo ; undying love&rdquo ; . Metaphysics becomes a metaphor for metapsychology, where the Romantic motif of undying love as connected to fatal desire is complicated by a traversal of the fantasy of the union of two immortal souls. These revisions have the effect of reversing the implications of Winterson&rsquo ; s earlier treatment of romantic love, turning it back from the personal towards engagement with the political.