Suchergebnisse

Мета статті – обґрунтувати основні підходи до тлумачення політичної етики та показати її візуалізацію та інтерпретацію у мистецтві кіно. Методологія. У статті застосовано комплексний міждисциплінарний підхід із ви-користанням методологічного інструментарію, розробленого у працях М. Мамардашвілі, А. Бадью, С. Жижека, К. Шмітта, М. Нуссбаум, П. Слотердайка, Р. Талера. Наукова новизна полягає у розмежуванні етики особистості та політичної етики, що концептуалізується за рахунок взаємодії з іншими людьми та інституціями. Виокремлено етику обов'язку, етику прав людини, етику економічної необхідності, біоетику, етику громадської думки , етику ін-ституцій. Висновки. Як універсального поняття етики не існує – вона конкретизується у чітких життєвих ситуаціях та дилемах, при цьому набуваючи політичного забарвлення. Тому будь-яка етика може розглядатися як політична етика. В дослідженні обґрунтовано кілька різновидів політичної етики, зокрема обов'язку, прав людини, економіч-ної необхідності, біоетику, громадської думки, інституцій. Дослідженням на основі візуалізації у кіно показано, як етика трансформується у політичну етику. На підставі кіно проінтерпретовано кілька варіацій політичної етики, сформовано межі приватності уних. ; Цель статьи – обосновать основные подходы к толкованию политической этики и показать ее визуали-зацию и интерпретацию в кино. Методология. В статье применен комплексный междисциплинарный подход с использованием методологического инструментария, разработанного в трудах М. Мамардашвили, А. Бадью, С. Жижека, К. Шмитта, М. Нуссбаум, П. Слотердайка, Р. Талера. Научная новизна работы заключается в разг-раничении этики личности и политической этики, которая концептуализируется за счет взаимодействия с другими людьми и институтами. Выделено этику долга, этику прав человека, этику экономической необходимости, биоэ-тику, этику общественного мнения, этику институтов. Выводы. Как универсального понятия этики несуществует – она конкретизируется в четких жизненных ситуациях и дилеммах, при этом приобретая политическое опреде-ление. Поэтому любая этика может рассматриваться как политическая этика. В исследовании обосновано неско-лько разновидностей политической этики, в частности долга, прав человека, экономической необходимости, био-этику, общественного мнения, институтов. Исследованием на основе визуализации в кино показано, как этика трансформируется в политическую этику. На основании кино проинтерпретировано несколько вариаций полити-ческой этики, сформированы пределы приватности вних. ; The main purpose: The main purpose of the article is to substantiate the basic approaches to the interpretation of political ethics and to explore their visualization and interpretation in the cinema. Methodology: The framework of this article consist comprehensive multidisciplinary approach and methodological tools developed by M. Mamardashvili, А. Badiou, S. Zizek, C. Schmitt, M. Nussbaum, P. Sloterdijk, and R. Taller. The scientific novelty of the research is founded on distinguishing the ethics of individual and political ethics, which is conceptualized through interaction with other people, on the one hand, and institutions, on the other hand. The ethics of duty, the ethics of human rights, the ethics of economic necessity, bioethics, ethics of public opinion, ethics of institutions were found out. Conclusion: It was proved that ethics as a universal concept does not exist. It is concretized in clear situations and dilemmas while gaining a political definition. Therefore, all ethics can be considered as a political ethics. Several types of political ethics, including ethics of duty, ethics of human rights, economic necessity ethics, bioethics, ethics of public opinion, institutions ethics have been described in the research. The article explained how ethics can be transformed into political ethics on the ground of visualization in cinema. Eventually, several variations of political ethics have been interpreted on the basis of cinema, have been formed the boundaries of privacy inthem.

Актуальность исследования: понятие «коллективная историческая память» вызывает множество разногласий, связанных с его содержанием и употреблением. Статья посвящена проблеме использования концепта «коллективная историческая память» и анализу оснований для его выделения в качестве понятия, которое имеет свое смысловое содержание и существенные признаки. В работе исследовались роль и место концепта в современной культуре. Цель состоит в том, чтобы обосновать смысловое содержание и существенные признаки концепта «коллективная историческая память», показать, что оно может использоваться в качестве самостоятельного понятия. Как смысловой концепт данное понятие не подменяет другие, обладает теоретической и эвристической ценностью. Коллективная историческая память - это ментальная способность социальных групп и нации в процессе коллективного запоминания и забвения символически реконструировать значимые исторические события, придавая им определенную ценностную трактовку. В статье выявлены существенные отличия коллективной исторической памяти от идеологии, определен принцип комплементарности как принцип, описывающий специфику взаимодействия коллективной исторической памяти с исторической наукой, указаны существенные отличия в содержании понятий «историческое сознание» и «коллективная историческая память», обозначены причины, по которым эти понятия не могут выступать как синонимы. Методы: теоретикометодологической основой выступают теории памяти как социокультурного феномена (М. Хальбвакса, П. Нора, П. Рикера, А. Ассман и др.), концепции, посвященные взаимоотношениям коллективной исторической памяти с идеологией, исторической наукой и историческим сознанием (А. Альтюссера, С. Жижека, А.В. Рубцова, Х. Вельцера, Дж. К. Олика и др.). Выводы: обосновывается эвристическая ценность понятия «коллективная историческая память». Раскрываются его смысловое содержание и внутренние противоречия, приводящие к терминологической путанице в социальнофилософском научном дискурсе. Понятие «коллективная историческая память» обладает теоретической ценностью, поскольку описывает уникальный феномен - фундаментальную способность социальных групп и нации в целом сохранять и реконструировать воспоминания о совместном историческом опыте. ; Relevance of the research. The concept of «collective historical memory» causes many controversies related to its content and use. The article is devoted to the problem of using the concept of «collective historical memory» and the analysis of the reasons for its allocation as a concept that has its own semantic content and essential features. The article examines its role and place in modern culture. The main aim of this article is to substantiate the semantic content and essential features of the concept of «collective historical memory», to show that it can be used as an independent concept. As a semantic concept, this concept does not replace others, it has a theoretical and heuristic value. Collective historical memory is the mental ability of social groups and the nation as a whole to symbolically reconstruct significant historical events in the process of collective memorization and oblivion, giving them a certain value interpretation. The article identifies significant differences between collective historical memory and ideology, defines the principle of complementarity as a principle describing the specifics of interaction between collective historical memory and historical science, indicates significant differences in the content of the concepts of «historical consciousness» and «collective historical memory», and identifies the reasons why these concepts can not be synonymous. Methods. Theoretical and methodological basis of research are the concept of memory as a social and cultural phenomenon (M. Halbwachs, P. Nora, P. Ricker, A. Assman et al.), research on the relationship of collective historical memory with ideology, historical science and historical consciousness (A. Althusser, S. Zizek, A.V. Rubtsov, H. Welzer, J. K. Olik, etc.) Conclusions. As a result of this analysis, the heuristic value of the concept of «collective historical memory» is justified. The author reveals its semantic content and internal contradictions that lead to terminological confusion in the socio-philosophical scientific discourse. The concept of «collective historical memory» has theoretical value, since it describes a unique phenomenon - the fundamental ability of social groups and the nation as a whole to preserve and reconstruct memories of shared historical experiences.

В статті пропонується логічна реконструкція генези політичної ідеології: 1) десинкретизація первісного мислення і автономізація міфу від ритуалу; 2) телеологічний поворот мислення в ході «осьової революції»; 3) сакралізація «майбутнього» у християнстві; 4) легітимація особистого інтересу протестантизмом. Стверджується, що момент, коли сакрально зрозумілий інтерес асимілюється політичною практикою як засада легітимації політичних цілей, і є моментом народження політичної ідеології. Доводиться думка, що маркуванням постмодерного ментального повороту є редукція концепту «минуле — сучасне — майбутнє» до концепту «сучасне». ; The «deideologization» of modern politics can be regarded as a symptom of a crisis not of politics but rather of a traditional understanding of politics. The modern political class uses various ideological constructions as an instrument, which apparently are not politicized, but in essence they quite successfully solve the tasks of political management of the public consciousness. In modern scientific discourse, there is a return to the broad context of the use of the notion of «ideology», «ideologeme». Primarily, this concerns the semiotic interpretation of the ideology of U. Eco, R. Bart, J. Kristeva. The dichotomy of falsity — the truth of ideological consciousnesspassesthroughthe wholehistory of the study of the problem. For example, S. Zizek, who continued the Lacanian discourse of the unconscious, characterizes ideology as a «social symptom», meaning fantasm, which, being in part non-knowledge, not only distorts reality, but also structures it. The task of the article is to examine, in the context of a broad understanding of ideology and taking into account the significance of social unconsciousness in it: 1) the constructiveness of the influence of social time on the genesis and constitution of political ideology; 2) the chronotopical aspect of the political management of public consciousness under the conditions of mental transformations in the postmodern era. The following logical reconstruction of the genesis of political ideology is proposed: 1) samplingof primitive thinking and autonomization of myth from ritual; 2) teleological turn of thinking during the «axial revolution»; 3) the sacralization of the «future» in Christianity and 4) the legitimization of personal interest by Protestantism. It is argued that the moment when sacredly understood interest is assimilated by political practice and used as a basis for legitimizing political goals («bright future») is the moment of birth of the actual political ideology. In parallel with the sacralization and political assimilation of interest, the process of scientizing thought took place. The «sacralization» of the future, only liberated from the religious shell, is consistent with the enlightened ideology of progress. Scientific rationalization of thinking gradually devalues Christianity, and the modernized «chronos» of progress supersedes the «topos» of the «City of God.» The idea is that the alliance «power-technology-communication» that was formed in the postmodern epoch designated a mental turn, the marking of which was the reduction of the «past — present — future» concept to the «present» concept. In our opinion, in postmodern discourse,itis not so much a «deideologization» of consciousness as its «de-logization» Intertextuality, the deconstruction of the text, the discursive pluralism of postmodern discourse became demanded precisely because of the crisis of the «Logos» as a «supporting structure» of social consciousness. According to S. S. Averintsev, «we live in an era when all the words are spoken.» Paraphrasing the author, let's say: we live in an era when all the words are spoken, but have not yet figured out how to join in the meaning. ; В статье предлагается логическая реконструкция генезиса политической идеологии: 1) десинкретизация первобытного мышления и автономизация мифа от ритуала; 2) телеологогический поворот мышления в ходе «осевой революции»; 3) сакрализация «будущего» в христианстве; 4) легитимация личного интереса протестантизмом. Утверждается, что момент, когда сакрально понятый интерес ассимилируется политической практикой как основание легитимации политических целей, и является моментом рождения политической идеологии. Проводится мысль, что маркировкой постмодерного ментального поворота является редукция концепта «прошлое — настоящее — будущее» к концепту «настоящее».

The article explores scientific explorations of the problem of violence in the subject field of social philosophy. It was determined that the basic theories for them were the theories of violence (Karl Kautsky, Ludwig Gumplowicz, Eugene Düring), theories of revolutionary violence (Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Mikhail Bakunin, Vladimir Lenin, Lev Trotsky), criticism of violence (Georges Sorel, Ernst Bloch, Walter Benjamin). The research actualizes the need to apply an interdisciplinary approach to the study of this social phenomenon using the results of scientific research in the fields of philosophy of law, philosophical anthropology, social philosophy, political and psychological sciences. Analysis of the philosophical works of this period allowed us to show the following trends. Franz Fanon suggested that violence is seen as a value for the oppressed, as a path to freedom, and therefore a cause for pride. The colonized masses intuitively feel that their liberation is realized only by force, recognizing that violence alone is an effective mean of confronting a more powerful economic and military rival. Giorgio Agamben distinguishes sovereign violence, which is realized in a state of emergency and is no longer treated as natural, it is simultaneously sacralized and desacralized. Jacques Derrida has identified two types of violence that are in a state of mutual rivalry: violence as a historical solution that appears outlawed by law and the state but does not contain decisive knowledge; and violence as decisive knowledge and a certainty of reality that is incapable of decision. Hans Magnus Enzensberger has identified a trend toward violence that is characterized by a lack of ideological motivation and a blurring of the object of the target. Philosopher Lars Svendsen views violence in ethical and political context as a manifestation of evil, as a condition of a democratic society self-preservation. Karl Schlögel showed that outbreaks of violence occurred first and foremost in societies lacking political elites that lost control of the reorganization of the public and the state as a whole, and a readiness for violence replaces fear of civil war. Wolfgang Sofsky argues that violence in various forms has existed throughout human history, it has become a kind of anthropological constant of human existence, violence and culture are interdependent. Slavoj Zizek emphasizes that the individual's assessment of the act of violence is based on the expected standard of "normal non-violent situation". In the phenomenology of violence by Michael Staudigl violence is understood as a relational phenomenon. ; У статті досліджено наукові розвідки проблеми насилля у предметному полі соціальної філософії. Визначено, що засадничими для них були теорії насилля (К. Каутський, Л. Гумплович, Є. Дюринг), теорії революційного насилля (К. Маркс, Ф. Енгельс, М. Бакунін, В. Ленін, Л. Троцький), критика насилля (Ж. Сорель, Е. Блох, В. Беньямін). У дослідженнях актуалізована необхідність застосування міждисциплінарного підходу до вивчення цього соціального феномену із використанням результатів наукових розвідок у галузях філософії права, філософської антропології, соціальної філософії, політичних наук. Аналіз філософських праць цього періоду дозволив показати наступні тенденції. Ф. Фанон запропонував розглядати насилля як цінність для пригнобленого, як шлях до свободи, а відтак і привід для гордості. Колонізовані маси інтуїтивно відчувають, що їхнє звільнення реалізується лише силовими методами, усвідомлюючи, що лише насилля є ефективним засобом протистояння у боротьбі з більш могутнім економічно і військово суперником. Дж. Агамбен виокремлює суверенне насилля, яке реалізується у надзвичайному стані й уже не трактується як природне, воно відбувається одночасно сакралізація та десакралізація об'єкта його дії. Ж. Дерріда виділив два види насилля, які знаходяться у стані взаємного суперництва: насилля як історичне рішення, що постає справедливістю поза законом та державою, але воно не містить у собі вирішального знання; та насилля як вирішальне знання та визначеність дійсності, які нездатні на рішення. Г. Енценсбергер виявив тенденцію утвердження насилля, яка характеризується відсутністю ідеологічної мотивації і "розмитістю" об'єкта спрямування. філософ Л.Свендсен розглядає насилля у етико-політичному зрізі як прояв зла, як умову самозбереження демократичного суспільства. К. Шлегель показав, що спалахи насилля передусім відбулися у тих суспільствах, в яких відсутні політичні еліти, в яких втрачено контроль над реорганізацією суспільного та державного цілого, а готовність до насилля заміщає страх перед громадянською війною. В. Софський доводить, що насилля в різних формах існує протягом усієї історії людства, воно постає своєрідною антропологічною константою людського існування, насилля і культура є взаємозумовленими. Проте С. Жижек наголошує, що оцінка індивідом акту насилля здійснюється на основі передбачуваного стандарту "нормальної ненасильницької ситуації". У феноменології насилля М. Штаудіґла насилля розуміється як реляційний феномен.

У статті досліджено наукові розвідки проблеми насилля у предметному полі соціальної філософії. Визначено, що засадничими для них були теорії насилля (К. Каутський, Л. Гумплович, Є. Дюринг), теорії революційного насилля (К. Маркс, Ф. Енгельс, М. Бакунін, В. Ленін, Л. Троцький), критика насилля (Ж. Сорель, Е. Блох, В. Беньямін). У дослідженнях актуалізована необхідність застосування міждисциплінарного підходу до вивчення цього соціального феномену із використанням результатів наукових розвідок у галузях філософії права, філософської антропології, соціальної філософії, політичних наук. Аналіз філософських праць цього періоду дозволив показати наступні тенденції. Ф. Фанон запропонував розглядати насилля як цінність для пригнобленого, як шлях до свободи, а відтак і привід для гордості. Колонізовані маси інтуїтивно відчувають, що їхнє звільнення реалізується лише силовими методами, усвідомлюючи, що лише насилля є ефективним засобом протистояння у боротьбі з більш могутнім економічно і військово суперником. Дж. Агамбен виокремлює суверенне насилля, яке реалізується у надзвичайному стані й уже не трактується як природне, воно відбувається одночасно сакралізація та десакралізація об'єкта його дії. Ж. Дерріда виділив два види насилля, які знаходяться у стані взаємного суперництва: насилля як історичне рішення, що постає справедливістю поза законом та державою, але воно не містить у собі вирішального знання; та насилля як вирішальне знання та визначеність дійсності, які нездатні на рішення. Г. Енценсбергер виявив тенденцію утвердження насилля, яка характеризується відсутністю ідеологічної мотивації і "розмитістю" об'єкта спрямування. філософ Л.Свендсен розглядає насилля у етико-політичному зрізі як прояв зла, як умову самозбереження демократичного суспільства. К. Шлегель показав, що спалахи насилля передусім відбулися у тих суспільствах, в яких відсутні політичні еліти, в яких втрачено контроль над реорганізацією суспільного та державного цілого, а готовність до насилля заміщає страх перед громадянською війною. В. Софський доводить, що насилля в різних формах існує протягом усієї історії людства, воно постає своєрідною антропологічною константою людського існування, насилля і культура є взаємозумовленими. Проте С. Жижек наголошує, що оцінка індивідом акту насилля здійснюється на основі передбачуваного стандарту "нормальної ненасильницької ситуації". У феноменології насилля М. Штаудіґла насилля розуміється як реляційний феномен. ; The article explores scientific explorations of the problem of violence in the subject field of social philosophy. It was determined that the basic theories for them were the theories of violence (Karl Kautsky, Ludwig Gumplowicz, Eugene Düring), theories of revolutionary violence (Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Mikhail Bakunin, Vladimir Lenin, Lev Trotsky), criticism of violence (Georges Sorel, Ernst Bloch, Walter Benjamin). The research actualizes the need to apply an interdisciplinary approach to the study of this social phenomenon using the results of scientific research in the fields of philosophy of law, philosophical anthropology, social philosophy, political and psychological sciences. Analysis of the philosophical works of this period allowed us to show the following trends. Franz Fanon suggested that violence is seen as a value for the oppressed, as a path to freedom, and therefore a cause for pride. The colonized masses intuitively feel that their liberation is realized only by force, recognizing that violence alone is an effective mean of confronting a more powerful economic and military rival. Giorgio Agamben distinguishes sovereign violence, which is realized in a state of emergency and is no longer treated as natural, it is simultaneously sacralized and desacralized. Jacques Derrida has identified two types of violence that are in a state of mutual rivalry: violence as a historical solution that appears outlawed by law and the state but does not contain decisive knowledge; and violence as decisive knowledge and a certainty of reality that is incapable of decision. Hans Magnus Enzensberger has identified a trend toward violence that is characterized by a lack of ideological motivation and a blurring of the object of the target. Philosopher Lars Svendsen views violence in ethical and political context as a manifestation of evil, as a condition of a democratic society self-preservation. Karl Schlögel showed that outbreaks of violence occurred first and foremost in societies lacking political elites that lost control of the reorganization of the public and the state as a whole, and a readiness for violence replaces fear of civil war. Wolfgang Sofsky argues that violence in various forms has existed throughout human history, it has become a kind of anthropological constant of human existence, violence and culture are interdependent. Slavoj Zizek emphasizes that the individual's assessment of the act of violence is based on the expected standard of "normal non-violent situation". In the phenomenology of violence by Michael Staudigl violence is understood as a relational phenomenon.

Our research is devoted to analysis of neototalitarianism. We base our study on the new non-classic culturological methodology. When we say about "new totalitarianism" we mean radicalization of postmodern society through wars and ideologies. Classic totalitarianism is a phenomenon that is sufficiently studied in classical humanities. The main features of totalitarianism are already defined. These are: cult leader and one-party political system. These features are not inherent in the new totalitarianism. Researchers difficult to diagnose it because of its diffuse nature. The new totalitarianism investigates specific to global culture and processes of informatization. We interpret it as cultural sense that formed the collective unconscious. We refer discourse Real, which is protected under the Symbolic - a system of ideological narratives. We need a new methodology to study the new totalitarianism. This methodology must be differed from classical social philosophy and psychology. This methodology can provide Cultural science. We mean: cultural studies (Birmingham and the Montreal school), structural and cultural psychoanalysis of the pathography of movie by J. Lacan and S. Zizek, post-structuralism, media theory and post-industrial society, known as the "alter-globalization", "glokalizm" "antiglobalization". These concepts help to show: a new totalitarian mentality formed in a conflict of cultures as virtual manipulation strategy.The aim of our study is the semantic diagnosing of classical and non-classical philosophical symptoms of a new totalitarianism (neototalitarianism) in interdisciplinary cultural discourse, which includes non-classical ideas of psychoanalysis and social philosophy. Implementation objective defines the following research objectives: to identify the classic signs of a new totalitarianism, which brings him to the totalitarian tendencies of past eras based on previous cultural reflection of the totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century; to identify and disclose non-classical features of the neototalitarianism through our own experience based on postmodern culture; to demonstrate, how the semantic identifying aspects of classical and non-classical features of neo-totalitarian ideology do in the radical rightwing version of the new totalitarianism (nationalist, chauvinist, Nazi).Based on the synthesis of these concepts, we have solved the traditional and new ideological lines of new totalitarianism as an expression of the desire for domination. Traditional characteristics: integrity, binary, xenophobia, Quasi-religiosity, humor negation / knowledge and paternalism. The newest features: fetishization of power as spectacle within the absolute transparency of private life (Synoptykon); terrorism virtual global village, and self-censorship "internal topics"; ideological kitsch and elitist populism. A clear manifestation of right radical nationalism is based on the romantic concept of gestalt. Inherent to it reduction identities, homogenization and isolationism contrary semiosfery global society. ; В статье на основе методологии структурного психоанализа и постструктурализма осуществляется философско-семантический анализ феномена неототалитаризма как мировоззренческой установки на негацию Другого (доминирующую идентичность). Диагностирование посттоталитарности предусматривает дифференциацию ее классических и неклассических рис. Классические принципы нового тоталитаризма проявляются через аналитическую психологию, они являются производными от культурных архетипов и опираются на опыт первой (этнический национализм) и второй (империализм) волн: целостность как архетип оргии, бинарность как архетип "Мы-Они", ксенофобия как архетип Чужого, квазирелигиозность как архетип Золотого века, паттернализм как архетип Отца / Матери / власти / государства, романтическая концепция культуры как гештальта. Неклассические черты неототалитаризма проявляются через структурный психоанализ языковых практик ("расшивка") и методики деконструкций, которые формируются в третьей волне на основе информатизации и предусматривают использование постмодернистских механизмов "текучей современности" (глобальное село, виртуальный терроризм, самоцензура, идеологический китч, популистский элитаризм, Синоптикон как общество горизонтального кибер-контроля). ; У статті на основі методології структурного психоаналізу та постструктуралізму здійснюється філософсько-семантичний аналіз феномену неототалітаризму як світоглядної установки на негацію Іншого (домінуючу ідентичність). Діагностування посттоталітарності передбачає диференціацію її класичних та некласичних рис. Класичні принципи нового тоталітаризму виявляються через аналітичну психологію, вони є похідними від культурних архетипів та спираються на досвід першої (етнічний націоналізм) та другої (імперіалізм) хвиль: цілісність як архетип оргії, бінарність як архетип "Ми-Вони", ксенофобія як архетип Чужого, квазірелігійність як архетип Золотого віку, патерналізм як архетип Батька/Матері/влади/держави, романтична концепція культури як гештальту. Некласичні риси неототалітаризму виявляються через структурний психоаналіз мовних практик ("розшивання") і методики деконструкцій, формуються в третій хвилі на основі інформатизації і передбачають використання постмодерних механізмів "рідинної сучасності" (глобальне село, віртуальний тероризм, самоцензура, ідеологічний кітч, популістський елітаризм, Синоптикон як суспільство горизонтального кібер-контролю).

[spa] Esta investigación es una reflexión sobre los múltiples paradigmas que articulan el diagrama del biopoder contemporáneo. El análisis del Estado de excepción como figura que delimita lo político de lo jurídico, nos permite emprender una genealogía del Estado moderno y del concepto de soberanía en el cual se sustenta. Para comprender la profundidad filosófica que está en juego en el concepto de Estado de excepción iniciamos la primera parte, El pasaje del Estado de excepción, problematizando la articulación entre lo humano y lo animal. En esta relación de exclusión incluyente o inclusión exclusiva entre lo humano y lo animal comparece la relación de excepción entre el poder soberano y la vida. Esta relación de excepción pone de manifiesto la estructura paradojal de la soberanía y su relación topológica con el poder, ya que soberano es aquel que está al mismo tiempo dentro y fuera de la ley. De esta estructura paradojal de la soberanía se desprende la relación de indistinción entre derecho y violencia sobre la cual indagamos en los primeros capítulos contraponiendo los argumentos de Carl Schmitt y Walter Benjamin y el debate contemporáneo que han suscitado entre Jaques Derrida y Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Zizek y Judith Butler, entre otras. El objetivo de esta primera parte es pensar de otro modo las relaciones entre vida y política y los procesos de representación que ésta genera. A partir de este análisis teórico iniciamos una explanación de carácter geofilosófico; un recorrido territorial que nos permite cartografiar las formas de vida que produce el Estado de excepción cuando éste se transforma en la regla en la que vivimos. Este recorrido por las mutaciones del espacio global nos permite problematizar la hipótesis de Giorgio Agamben del campo como actual nomos oculto del planeta y cuestionarla, visualizando cómo el modelo de gestión masiva de la población -remitido al paradigma del campo- se desplaza de una concepción trascendente de la soberanía hacia una gubernamentalidad de carácter inmanente. Entre El pasaje del Estado de excepción y El pasaje del Estado-guerra se ubica el Intermezzo, el pasaje de la biopolítica. Este intermezzo une y separa los dos grandes bloques temáticos de esta investigación. Por un lado, el Estado de excepción que se funda en la 383 trascendencia del poder soberano -concepto de raigambre teológico-política-; por el otro, el Estado-guerra que se configura desde el orden inmanente de la economía y cuya composición responde al fenómeno moderno de la gubernamentalidad biopolítica. Ambos paradigmas, sin embargo, comparten una misma matriz: la del biopoder. Por esta razón, el intermezzo está pensado como un pasaje interno dentro de la investigación, que cumple la función de conectar y separar ambos polos. A partir de un seguimiento histórico del concepto de biopolítica, desde su reformulación propuesta por Foucault, analizamos su devenir histórico y algunas de sus más relevantes modulaciones conceptuales (Agamben, Negri, Nancy, Virno, Lazarato, Esposito). En este pasaje se hace visible la contraposición entre Foucault y Agamben en relación al significado del concepto de biopolítica y cómo este debate teórico articula la diagramática de esta investigación. En un polo el Estado de excepción vinculado al ámbito teológico-político de la soberanía, en donde el derecho se entiende como una máquina biopolítica de captura; en el otro polo el Estado-guerra ligado al ámbito de la gubernamentalidad, los mecanismos securitarios y la economía política. La importancia de este intermezzo reside en que en él exponemos ciertos límites teórico-políticos de la interpretación de Agamben y desde esta constatación se abre el segundo pasaje hacia la concepción biopolítica de la guerra. El segundo bloque, El pasaje del Estado-guerra, se inicia rastreando algunos aspectos del devenir interno del pensamiento foucaultiano entre el paradigma disciplinario y el gubernamental, deteniéndonos en la guerra como modelo de interpretación de la realidad. Este desplazamiento entre los distintos paradigmas de análisis -sea la disciplina, la guerra, la biopolítica o la gubernamentalidad- debe pensarse no como una relación evolutiva, sino más bien como una relación de tensión, de relevo, de ida y vuelta, entre estos paradigmas que no son excluyentes sino complementarios en el análisis de nuestro presente. Al exponer estas cuestiones vinculadas a la conceptualización y problematización de Foucault en torno al biopoder, la guerra y la gubernamentalidad, pasamos a proponer nuestra interpretación, la cual incorpora el Estado de excepción en un nuevo diagrama al resignificar el estatuto de la guerra y pensarla como una nueva normalidad y no como expresión de la máxima excepción. Esta perspectiva es desarrollada en los capítulos finales: El pasaje de la sociedad fábrica a la empresa total, La gubernamentalidad neoliberal en su devenir máquina de guerra, El pasaje de la cárcel mundo a la prisión global y La biopolítica de la guerra contra el terrorismo. 384 En estos pasajes es donde se vislumbra la hipótesis central de esta investigación que propongo en las Reflexiones Finales. A partir de la relación de tensión, contraposición, pero también de entrecruzamiento y yuxtaposición, entre el Estado de excepción y el Estado-guerra se articula una máquina bipolar en cuyo centro vacío -que es el significante vacío del poder- se articula la gubernamentalidad democrática. Esta democracia biopolítica opera como dispositivo inmunitario de autoprotección y autoexpansión de occidente y también como mito instituyente del actual orden global. En este sentido, la democracia se ha convertido en un dispositivo de producción de realidad clave en la expansión del neoliberalismo. Desde una perspectiva teórica, la investigación está atravesada por la contraposición entre la perspectiva de Agamben sobre el biopoder que de algún modo abandonamos, y la complejidad abierta por las concepciones de Foucault, que retomamos teniendo en cuenta la máxima de que "hay que dejar de mirar el poder con los ojos del derecho" para interpretar desde allí, desde una perspectiva estratégico-gubernamental, la emergencia de un Estado- guerra que viene a reconfigurar la actual relación entre guerra y política y entre guerra y democracia. En este sentido, he rescatado y ampliado los sentidos que encierra el concepto de Estado-guerra, porque éste viene a nombrar a la guerra como biopolítica, es decir, como el elemento que dinamiza las relaciones entre capitalismo y democracia, las cuales definen el actual orden en el que vivimos. ; [eng] This research is a reflection on the multiple paradigms that articulate the diagram of contemporary BioPower. The analysis of the State of emergency as a figure that defines the political legal, allows us to undertake a genealogy of the modern State and the concept of sovereignty on which it is based. To understand the philosophical depth that is at stake in the concept of State of emergency began the first part, the passage of the State of emergency, posits the articulation between the human and the animal. This relationship of inclusive exclusion or exclusive inclusion between the human and the animal shows the relationship between sovereign power and life exception. This relationship of emergency reveals structure paradoxical sovereignty and its topological relationship with power, sovereign is one who is at the same time inside and outside of the law. This paradoxical structure of sovereignty follows the relationship of lack of distinction between violence and law on which we investigate in the first chapters contrasting arguments of Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin and the contemporary debate which has arisen between Jaques Derrida, Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Zizek and Judith Butler, among others. The objective of this first part is to think otherwise relations between life and politics and the processes of representation that this generates. The second block, the passage of the warstate, begins tracking down some aspects of the internal evolution of the foucauldian between disciplinary paradigm and the Government thought, stopping in the war as a model of interpretation of reality. This movement between the different paradigms of analysis - is the discipline, war, biopolitics and governmentality - should be considered not as an evolutionary relationship, but rather as a relationship of tension, relief of back and forth between these paradigms that are not mutually exclusive but complementary analysis of our present. By exposing these issues related to the conceptualization and problematization of Eddy around the war, BioPower and governmentality, passed to propose our interpretation, which enters the State of exception in a new plot to give a new meaning the status of the war and think of it as a new normal and not as an expression of the maximum exception. From the relationship of tension, contrast, but also crisscross and juxtaposition, between the State of emergency and the warstate articulated a bipolar machine whose empty Center - which is the empty signifier of power - articulates democratic governmentality. This biopolitical democracy operates as device immune self protection and self-extension of the West and as a founding myth of the current global order. In this sense, democracy has become a device for production of key reality in the expansion of neoliberalism. From a theoretical perspective, the research is crossed by the contrast between Agamben perspective on BioPower that we somehow abandon, and complexity by conceptions of Foucault, which we return to bearing in mind the maxim that "must stop looking with the eyes of the right power" to interpret from there, from an estrategico-gubernamental perspective the emergence of an warstate coming to reconfigure the current relationship between war and politics and war and democracy. In this sense, I have rescued and expanded the senses that holds the concept of Estado-guerra, because this comes to appoint, such as biopolitics, i.e. as the element that stimulates the relationship between capitalism and democracy, which define the current order in which we live. From a theoretical perspective, the research is crossed by the contrast between Agamben perspective on BioPower that we somehow abandon, and complexity by conceptions of Foucault, which we return to bearing in mind the maxim that "must stop looking with the eyes of the right power" to interpret from there, from an estrategico-gubernamental perspective the emergence of an warstate coming to reconfigure the current relationship between war and politics and war and democracy. In this sense, I have rescued and expanded the senses that holds the concept of Estado-guerra, because this comes to appoint, such as biopolitics, i.e. as the element that stimulates the relationship between capitalism and democracy, which define the current order in which we live.

Стаття присвячена філософському та культурологічному аналізу філософії постмодернізму (постструктуралізму) на основі методології гегельянства, гайдеґґерівської філософії мови, структурного психоаналізу, деконструктивізму, герменевтики, універсальної етики та філософії діалогу. У статті обґрунтовується теза про те, що постмодернізм як модель теоретичної рефлексії є автономним щодо лібералізму та релятивізму концептом "французької школи", що має антиліберальну спрямованість і за закладеними в нього імпліцитними буттєвими смислами кореспондує з консервативним християнським світовідчуттям. Середньовічними онтологічними "ядрами" постмодернізму постають концепти "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Дерріда, "шизоїда" Ж. Дельоза, "рефігурації мови" П. Рікера. Таким чином, звільнений від стереотипів релятивації, постмодернізм постає як третя (консервативна) альтернатива в опозиції європейського вибору між лібералізмом та радикалізмом. ; Статья посвящена философскому и культурологическому анализу философии постмодернизма (постструктурализма) на основе методологии гегельянства, хайдеггеровской философии языка, структурного психоанализа, деконструктивизма, герменевтики, универсальной этики и философии диалога. В статье обосновывается тезис о том, что постмодернизм как модель теоретической рефлексии является автономным по отношению к либерализму и релятивизму концептом "французской школы", имеет антилиберальную направленность и по заложенным в него имплицитным бытийными смыслам корреспондирует с консервативным христианским мироощущением. Средневековыми онтологическими "ядрами" постмодернизма предстают концепты: "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Деррида, "шизоида" Ж. Делёза, "рефигурации языка" П. Рикёра. Таким образом, освобожденный от стереотипов релятивации, постмодернизм выступает как третья (консервативная) альтернатива в оппозиции европейского выбора между либерализмом и радикализмом. ; The article is devoted to the philosophical and cultural analysis of postmodern philosophy (post-structuralism) on the basis of the Hegelian methodology, Heidegger's philosophy of language, structural psychoanalysis, deconstructionism, hermeneutics, universal ethics and philosophy of dialogue. The article substantiates the thesis that postmodernism as a model of theoretical reflection is autonomous with regard to liberalism and relativism with the concept of a "French school", which has an anti-liberal orientation and corresponds to the conservative Christian attitudes imposed by implicit ontological meanings. The medieval ontological "nuclei" of postmodernism are concepts: "Real" by J. Lacan, "Archepism" by J. Derrida, "Schizoid" by J. Deleuze, "language reconfiguration" by P. Ricker. Thus, freed from the stereotypes of relativity, postmodernism appears as a third (conservative) alternative in opposition to the European choice between liberalism and radicalism.The double standard extends to the attitude of liberals to radical currents in crisis processes. Initially, liberal leaders take an overwhelming majority in right-wing nationalism, using it as a tool to support the status quo of capitalism, a means of distracting the masses from real problems, and a mechanism of intimidation. When the mass is intimidated enough, it is proposed to liberalism as "a source of defacing" as the "only alternative". We can talk about the artificial situation of identifying the choice of Fa versus Antifa for the subject who is forced to choose between "purse and life" - between multiculturalism and radical nationalismThe key task of structural psychoanalysis is not only the returning of the conflict to its original place, that is, the disclosure of the deep-seated class traumas of the capitalist neoliberal world itself, according to S. Zizek and other representatives of the Slovenian school, but also - the separation of the philosophy of postmodernism as a spiritual phenomenon from political projects of neoliberalism and multiculturalism, which until recently were considered an applied dimension of postmodern politics and promoted the introduction into the social practice of the vicious circle "liberalism - nationalism liberalism" - a circle that does not provide choice and which excludes from its own semiosfery any other values: ethical and dialogical, modern, conservative, religious, international, non-system Left (antyhlobalistic) and others. In order to realize this task, postmodernism must be considered under the other (not postmodern) viewpoint, depriving it of the stereotypes of "relativism", "cynicism" and "enlightenment", that is, it is necessary to demonstrate that the authentic core of postmodern philosophy is far from multicultural indifference of "post-truth" and includes expressive ontological motives.The double goal of our study: to carry out a critical rethinking of postmodernism as a form of manifestation of a conservative attitude based on hereditary archetypes of the Middle Ages and Modernism, and to show that postmodernism as a philosophy is not the cause of the tragic self-denial of postmodernism as an applied measurement of multiculturalism, that multiculturalism with its vicious circles of relativity , devastation and radicalism is separate from the phenomenon of postmodernism and belongs to the "shock" project of American liberal democracy, and not to "French school" Moreover, the School of Post-Structuralism of the Sorbonne, as the basis of postmodernism, is the descendant of the Marxist school of "new left" in Frankfurt and its meaning is fundamentally anti-capitalist and anti-liberal.By combining among themselves in a single interdisciplinary field the classical philosophy of M. Heidegger's language, J. G. Derrida's "grammar", G. Lacan's structural psychoanalysis, J. Habermas's universal ethics, J. de Gaulle's schizodiscourse, and hermeneutics and the philosophy of P. Ricker's dialogue, we have shown that In the semantic field of postmodernism there are ontological kernels of conservatism, which approximate this philosophical model to medieval traditionalist thought and make the border between modern and postmodern very conditional. The return of postmodernism to the status of the philosophy of being and the liberation of the French school from the stereotypes of "lack" and "loseness" is necessary in order to protect postmodernism from accusations of cynicism, relativism and "emptiness", since these allegations are, firstly, based on the mixing of postmodernism with liberal irony, and, secondly, often serve as an excuse for the revival of various kinds of fundamentalist aspirations. We have shown that liberalism, by provoking through the irony of the identification of the "illusion", initially contributes to the development of radical movements, and then, when they emerge from the symbolic control, they remove them from the agenda as "fascist", opposing them to themselves. There is a closed vicious circle of impossibility to choose between "Fa and Antifa". Our work was an attempt to remove postmodernism from this circle.

In this presentation, I will address the possibility of an imminent mass extinction of all living beings from planet Earth, and the implications of such a catastrophic event for games studies. The Anthropocene, a term popularized by the end of the 20th century to refer to the geological impact of human beings on planet Earth, assumes a temporal development, a 'before' and 'after' the appearance of humankind. The 'after' period, known as the Post-Anthropocene, is repeatedly claimed by scientists to be approaching within the next few decades, as over-consumption is destroying vital resources of the planet. Allegedly, the sixth mass extinction in the history of our planet is already unfolding, and might determine the disappearance of life from Earth and, as far as we know, from the Universe and beyond (Zylinska 2014; Wark 2015; Haraway 2016; Thacker 2010). Video games have been responding to the arrival of the Post-Anthropocene. In recent years, an increasing number of games appear to capture the fascination and creepiness of a world with no humans. This impending future is not just imagined in fictional settings (e.g. The Legenda of Zelda: Majora's Mask, Nintendo, 2000; Horizon: Zero Dawn, Guerrilla Games, 2017), but within game design. In the last decade an increasing number of video games requiring limited human intervention has been released. Idle games such as Cookie Clicker (Julien Thiennot, 2013) and AdVenture Capitalist (Hyper Hippo Productions, 2014) require an initial input from the player to start, and then keep playing themselves in the background operations of a laptop or smartphone. Virtual environments can be entirely designed by algorithms, as experimented by Hello Games for No Man's Sky (2016). Artificial Intelligence is also used to play games. Screeps, a massive-multiplayer online game, requires players to program an AI that will play the game in their place, and which will 'live within the game even while you are offline' (Screeps Team, 2014). Ghost cars in racing games replace the human actor with a representation of their performance. The same concept is further explored by the Drivatar of the Forza Motorsport series (Microsoft Studios, 2005-2017), which simulates the driving style of the player and competes online against other AI-controlled cars (Bittanti 2015). These are only some of the example that suggest that human beings are becoming peripheral in the act of playing games. The video installation Emissaries, at MoMA PS1, by Ian Cheng (2017), and Twitch streaming of computer-controlled avatars in Grand Theft Auto by Ben Watanabe (San Andreas Deer Cam, 2016; San Andreas Community Cam, 2017) are further investigations in how games could play themselves even after the disappearance of human beings. Drawing on Sonia Fizek's analysis of the concept of interpassivity in digital games (via the work of Robert Pfaller and Slavoj Zizek), and on studies on gamification and self-tracking, I argue that Non-Human Gaming is not necessarily an exception to oppose to 'standard' video games, or a (con)temporary trend (Fizek 2018; Ruffino 2016). The non-human has always been haunting the medium, and studies on interactivity, agency, and player's skills and competences have been providing, so far, a comforting perspective that places the human at the center, or at an equal hierarchical importance than the machine (Giddings 2005; Björk and Juul 2012). Alexander Galloway imagined how machines could take the lead in the process of enacting a video game, creating 'ambience acts' where the game plays itself with no need for the human being to be present (Galloway 2006). Galloway was concerned with the allegories that computer games provide, and the ways in which games mimic the social reality in which we live in. Since 2006, fears of economic, political, social, and geological crises at global level have been prominent. Non-Human gaming can be interpreted as a response to those fears, and put in relation to the rise of self-driving cars, algorithmic trade exchange, and remote warfare, which similarly operate by replacing human beings. In fact, Non-Human Gaming is an adequate response to the disappearance of life from Earth – as it has been imagined, feared, and prophesized by scientists in recent years, and even more insistently since the time of Galloway's contribution. In this talk I will attempt to map the broad category of Non-Human gaming. Roger Caillois, in his early work on mimicry and mythology, was already describing how living beings develop forms of dispersal and waste of energy that cannot be explained through a rationalistic view on evolution and preservation, and which bring the organism closer to its own disappearance and assimilation in the surrounding environment, but are nonetheless defining characteristics of life (Caillois 1934; 1935). My concern is to highlight the weirdness and creepiness, the irony and spoofs, the paradoxes and contradictions of video games made by no one and/or for no one. As Haraway's vision of the cyborg did with cybernetics, Non-Human gaming confuses and complicates the ontologies of digital texts, and could be used to shed light on the situatedness, temporality, and partiality of our knowledge, of both humans and games (Haraway 1991; Kember 2018). Life might be disappearing from Earth at some point, but we are not there yet. We are in-between birth and death, the beginning and the end, and we have always been. Non-Human gaming helps us articulating this space and time in-between, and has the potential to re-route gaming (and game studies) from false myths of agency, interactivity, and instrumentalism (the 'games for' health, education, self-improvement, and so on). Non-human games are companions for earthly survival. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bittanti, M. (2015) Orizzonti di Forza: Fenomenologia della Guida Videoludica, Edizioni Unicopli Björk, S. and Juul, J. (2012) 'Zero-Player Games, or: What We Talk About When We Talk About Players', presented at the Philosophy of Computer Games Conference, Madrid 2012 Caillois, R. (1934) [2014] 'The Praying Mantis: from Biology to Psychoanalysis', in The Edge of Surrealism: A Roger Caillois Reader, Durkham: Duke University Press Caillois, R. (1935) [1984] 'Mimicry and Legendary Psychastenia', in October (31), Cambridge (MA): The MIT Press Fizek, S. (2018) 'Interpassivity and the Joy of Delegated Play'. ToDiGRA Journal (to be published). Galloway, A. (2006) Gaming: Essays on Algorithmic Culture. Minneapolis (MN): University of Minnesota Press. Giddings, S. (2005) Playing with non-humans: digital games as technocultural form. In: Proceedings of DiGRA 2005 Conference: Changing Views - Worlds in Play, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, 16-20 June 2005. Haraway, D. J. (1991) Simians, Cyborgs and Women. The Reinvention of Nature. London: Free Association Books. Haraway, D. J. (2016) Staying with the Trouble: Making Kin in the Chthulucene, Duke University Press Kember, S. (2017) 'After the Anthropocene: the photographic for earthly survival?' in Digital Creativity, vol. 28, no. 4, pp. 348-353 Ruffino, P. (2016) 'Games to Live With: Speculations Regarding NikeFuel' in Digital Culture and Society, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 153-`159 Thacker, E. (2010) After Life, London and Chicago: Chicago University Press Wark, M. (2015) Molecular Red. Theory for the Anthropocence. London: Verso. Zylinska, J. (2014) Minimal Ethics for the Anthropocene. Michigan (MA): Open Humanities Press

Ob sich die Welt nach dem 11. September 2001 so verändert hat, daß man von einer grundsätzlich neuen Weltpolitik sprechen muß, ist eine Frage, die in den Feuilletons anhaltend diskutiert wird. 1. An das Theater wird in diesem Kontext vermehrt der Anspruch gestellt, sich weniger "selbstbezüglichen" Experimenten, als vielmehr den aktuellen Fragen der Zeit zuzuwenden. Die Leiter des experimentellen Münchner Theaterfestivals "Spielart", Tilman Broszat und Gottfried Hattinger, resümieren die Situation: "Die Forderung nach einer (Re-)Politisierung steht im Raum", von seiten der Theatermacher und -theoretiker werde momentan vermehrt eine "veränderte, realistische Sicht auf unsere Gesellschaft"[1] verlangt. Auf dieses Ansinnen als Folge eines weithin diagnostizierten Einbruchs des politisch und gesellschaftlich Realen in eine Unterhaltungs- und Spaßgesellschaft antworten die Festivalmacher provozierend mit dem Thema von "Spielart 2003": "Is it real?". Sie entziehen also einem manifeste Inhalte vermittelnden Theater listig von vornherein die Bühne und verteidigen ihr Unternehmen, das als Spektakel der Postdramatik gelten kann, gegen jede von ihnen als konservativ verstandene ästhetische Reaktion: "Eine nur den Inhalten nach politische oder sozialkritische Dramaturgie, die nicht neue, dem Theater angemessene Formen sucht, geht am Kunstanspruch vorbei."[2] Aufgrund der in der gegenwärtigen Theaterlandschaft und Kulturkritik beobachtbaren Dissonanz zwischen dem Ruf nach dem Real-Politischen im Theater und den Performance- und Inszenierungswelten einer postmodernen Eventkultur und dem sich daraus ergebenden Klärungs- und Diskussionsbedarf ist Hans-Thies Lehmanns Essaysammlung DAS POLITISCHE SCHREIBEN das richtige Buch zur richtigen Zeit, will es doch einen theaterwissenschaftlichen Beitrag leisten zur Orientierungslosigkeit in einer global vernetzten Medienwelt, die sowohl den "Kollaps eines Weltreiches" als auch den "Kollaps der Symboltürme" (9) weltweit erfahrbar machte. 2. Für die meisten Leser wird gelten, daß sie mit Lehmanns theatertheoretischem Essay Postdramatisches Theater mehr oder weniger vertraut sind. Er ist nicht nur aus theaterwissenschaftlichen Seminaren kaum mehr wegzudenken, sondern hat als Begriff und Stilvorgabe in Theaterkritik und -praxis seinen Einzug gehalten. Wenn man Postdramatisches Theater als Lektüre-Ereignis definiert, als - in Lehmanns Terminologie - Nullpunkt des Theatertheorielesens, dann wäre DAS POLITISCHE SCHREIBEN die durchaus nicht undramatische intellektuelle Produktions-Geschichte des Autors, die 26 Arbeiten aus den Jahren 1980 bis 2002 versammelt. Der Blick des Autors zurück, auch als Konstruktion einer intellektuellen "Biographie" anhand von Vorträgen, Programmheftbeiträgen, wissenschaftlichen und journalistischen Schriften, richtet seine Aufmerksamkeit zwar in erster Linie auf Theatertexte, aber es "steht dabei zugleich die Frage nach dem Theater, seiner Möglichkeit, im Hintergrund."(6) Dieser Hintergrund ist als Ort des Körperlichen und damit Triebhaften, des Ereignisses, der Präsenz und der Materie etwas, das dem "rationalen" Text, insbesondere der Fabel und der ein intaktes Subjekt spiegelnden Figur widersteht. Damit agiert in den Theatertexten das Theatrale als das Eigentliche verdeckt und wird erst sichtbar durch die Grenzen, Fehler, Widersprüche und Unvollständigkeiten, die dem Leser nach der Lektüre - das wäre die didaktische Intention Lehmanns - besser auffallen sollten. Diese Mängel sollten nicht als das zu Übergehende oder Korrigierende gedeutet werden, erzeugen sie doch im kulturellen und gesellschaftspolitischen Feld das "Begehren und den Motor seiner Praxis." (7) Wie man unschwer erkennt, dient in der Lehmannschen Analyse der Theatertexte, ähnlich wie in seinem Postdramatischen Theater, die strukturale Psychoanalyse nach Jacques Lacan als philosophische Vorstellungswelt. Politik und ihr Theater oder Theater und seine Politik sind also, das ist die Grundbedingung, immer mit der neostrukturalistischen Brille zu lesen (9). Wer dies nicht akzeptieren mag, wird mit Lehmanns Werken wenig Freude und Erkenntnisgewinn haben. Ihm entgeht, wie einer, der sich in den weitläufigen Gefilden und Untiefen der hermetischen französischen Theorien elegant zu bewegen weiß und das Theater in seiner ganzen geschichtlichen und systematischen Breite sehr gut kennt, stilistisch vorzügliche, gut lesbare und nachvollziehbare Erörterungen und Exegesen verfaßt. Diese gleichen erfreulicherweise wenig den alchimistischen Zauberkunststückchen einiger Lacan-Adepten wie etwa die des im Feuilleton notorisch präsenten Slavoj Zizek. 3. Das Programm, das den nicht allzu kohärenten Beiträgen einen Gesamtrahmen geben soll, wird gleich zu Anfang vorgestellt. Unter dem Titel "Wie politisch ist das postdramatische Theater?" wird das gegenwärtige Verhältnis des Theaters zu Politik und Gesellschaft erörtert und die anhaltende Relevanz der experimentellen Theaterformen bekräftigt. Für Lehmann lautet der "gewöhnliche" Vorwurf an das postdramatische Theater, "fehlerhaft fehle das Politische", und: "von Aufklärung, von Moral, von Verantwortung (auch hinsichtlich der Klassiker) - keine Spur." (16) Hinter diesem Ansinnen vermutet Lehmann einen "redlichen Gestus", der schon deshalb verdächtig ist, weil er sich niemals legitimieren kann und lediglich eine Maske des Willens zur Macht und der Gewalt ist. Weitere Masken in diesem Sinne wären "Realität", "Ratio", "Pragmatismus", "gesunder Menschenverstand" und "natürliches moralisches Empfinden", dem als richtige politische Handlung allein die Entgegensetzung einer "ästhetischen Praxis der Ausnahme", die auf die "Grundlosigkeit des Gesetzes" (19) weist, beikommt. Gefordert wird eine "Wahrnehmungspolitik des Theaters" zur Schärfung der Sinne für die "Ausnahme" (19). Folglich wird politisches Theater in keinem Fall ein "realistisches" im üblichen Sinne sein können, kein "Theater der Schaustellung", der Fabel und der Personen. Das "Politische des Theaters" ist nicht als "Wiedergabe, sondern als Unterbrechung des Politischen zu denken" (17). Der momentan zu beobachtende Rückzug einer "Reihe jüngerer Theaterleute auf ein formal kommensurables Theater", der "neue Hang zu einem sogenannten 'Realismus'", welcher der Nachfrage eines Publikums geschuldet ist, "das, wie man hört, der ewigen Destruktionen leid ist", kann jedoch "nur aus Furcht vor wirklich riskanten Setzungen unter seinen politischen und künstlerischen Möglichkeiten bleiben." (15) "Realismus" wäre ein Verschweigen der notwendigen "Unterbrechung". Als Oberbegriff des ersten von fünf Kapiteln der Sammlung schlägt diese den Bogen von der Postdramatik zur Prädramatik und wieder zurück. Damit wiederholt das erste Kapitel die Struktur der Theatergeschichte, die Lehmann bereits in seiner Habilitationsschrift, teilveröffentlicht unter dem Titel Die Konstitution des Subjekts in der antiken Tragödie, vorgeschlagen hat. Der analoge Blick auf die Postmoderne und die theatrale Vorzeit der griechischen Antike erlaubt in der Abhandlung "Erschütterte Ordnung - das Modell Antigone" die Dekonstruktion des Sophoklesschen Theatertextes, wobei sich der dramatische Konflikt, der sich bei Hegel, vermittelt durch Lehmanns Lehrer Peter Szondi, noch im Dazwischen, im Dialog zeigen sollte, als dialektisch nicht auflösbar erweist. Im Mittelpunkt steht nicht wie sonst die auf der inhaltlichen Ebene zu konstatierende Agonalität zweier ausgesprochener, sinnvoller Standpunkte, sondern der in der argumentativen Struktur des Theatertextes selbst zutage tretende innere Konflikt und Widerspruch. Ein tragischer Diskurs ist also nicht als Konfrontation miteinander unvereinbarer Positionen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, Recht und Moral zu denken, vielmehr wird er sichtbar in der letztlich unhaltbaren Bemühung, überhaupt eine Position zu definieren. Erschreckend ist in der Antigone die Erkenntnis, daß es eine fundamentale Lücke in der Wahrnehmung gibt, auf inhaltlicher Ebene ist daher keine Einigung zu erzielen. Das lenkt die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Poesie des Textes, die eine eigene Sphäre des Mehrdeutigen als Gegensphäre sichtbar werden läßt (29). Die antike Tragödie lehrt somit, daß es für die Polis keine Hoffnung auf einen Konsens, welcher eine allgemein akzeptierte Rechts- und Politikordnung gründen könnte, gibt. Schon von seiner Frühzeit her ist das Theater nicht einmal als Gegenmodell zu den bestehenden Verhältnissen zu denken, seine politische Aufgabe findet es eher darin, auf die Grundlosigkeit jeder menschlichen Ordnung zu verweisen und damit eine Unsicherheitswahrnehmung zu evozieren, eine Heideggersche "Angst", die durch keine Gewißheit aufzuheben ist. Die Auflösung geht hierbei nicht nur vom Theatertext, sondern zudem von der Sinnlichkeit der Aufführung, der sprachlichen und gestischen Performanz des Moments, die den Sinn auf der inhaltlichen Ebene unterminiert, aus. 4. In den weiteren vier Kapiteln folgen einerseits Erkundungen im theatersystematischen Raum unter den Titeln "Darstellbarkeit" und "Drama", andererseits Erörterungen zu den für Lehmann wichtigsten Dramatikern und Theatertheoretikern Bert Brecht und Heiner Müller, denen jeweils eines der beiden die Essaysammlung abschließenden Kapitel gewidmet ist. Wie es sich für das "erwachsen" gewordene Fach Theaterwissenschaft, das sich endgültig von der Germanistik emanzipiert hat, gehört, geht es erst um das Theatrale, d. h. in den fünf meist älteren Beiträgen des zweiten Kapitels um das Problem der Darstellung im weitesten Sinne, und erst danach, im dritten Kapitel, in weiteren fünf Aufsätzen um den dramatischen Text in seinen verschiedenen Erscheinungs- und Inszenierungsformen von Müllers Auftrag bis zu Schleefs Rhythmen. Darstellbarkeit bedeutet für Lehmann "Entzug der Darstellung" (39), in dem Beitrag "Das Welttheater der Scham" geht er der Dialektik des Ver- und Ent-bergens in der Maske des Theaters und der Scham als Schutzaffekt des Selbst in der Kulturgeschichte und beider Verhältnis zum ungeklärten Status "theatral" oder "natürlich" nach. Da die Grenze eigentlich nicht zu ziehen ist, weiß man nicht, was wirklich ist. Die entstehende Unsicherheit zeigt sich ebenfalls in der Untersuchung "Das Erhabene ist das Unheimliche" als das "Bedrohliche an der Auflösung der Grenze von Symbol und Symbolisierung", das sich sowohl im 18. Jahrhundert als auch in der historischen Avantgarde in der im "Erhabenen" begrifflich gebannten Angst vor dem "Abgrund des Nichts-Sinns" (73) spiegelt. Eine Bataillesche "Ökonomie der Verausgabung" und eine performative "Ästhetik des Risikos" machen in der Grenzüberschreitung die falschen Grenzen und damit die Zwänge der symbolischen Ordnung deutlich. "Revolution und Masochismus" als Verhältnis, wie es in den Revolutionsdramen Georg Büchners und Heiner Müllers zu lesen ist, bedeuten, daß masochistische Lust den Begriff und die Dialektik stören, genauso wie die Körperlichkeit in einem poetischen Text "jeden Diskurs des Politischen und Historischen, jede Sinngebung" (122) unterbricht. 5. Wenn dem Theater als performativem Ereignis eine unaufhebbare Differenz, die der Körperlichkeit und Ereignishaftigkeit zuzuschreiben ist, eignet, dann wird nicht nur das Inhaltliche als Sinn des auf der Bühne Dargestellten, sondern auch als Sinn des Theatertextes selbst prekär. Die im Kapitel "Drama" behandelten Theatertexte - es sind dies im besonderen die Stücke von Büchner, Müller, Kleist und Jahnn - lassen für Lehmann inhaltlich und formal Brüche und Widersprüche konkret werden, die indirekt auf den grundlosen Grund der Ordnung und das den Text sprengende, nicht in den Be-Griff zu zwingende Trieb-Leben verweisen. Die Dialektik der dramatischen Form und der Geschichte erweist sich als pure Fassade, die dem performativen Eigenleben in Wirklichkeit wenig kulturelle Stabilität entgegensetzen kann und die deutliche Spuren der Anwesenheit der Körper trägt, welche Lehmann sichtbar machen will. Exemplarisch steht hier Einar Schleef für ein Theater, das diesen Erkenntnissen in den Inszenierungen Rechnung trägt, indem mit der Besinnung auf die "einfachen Urelemente des Theaters" (186) das Gewaltsame und Konflikthafte der Kultur und des Politischen nicht in einem harmlosen Dialog verdeckt wird. Im "Theater des Konflikts" wird vielmehr durch den Rückgriff auf rhythmisierte Körper und Stimmen das Verdrängte auf die Bühne gezogen, mit dem Ziel, dieses zu bannen, indem es rausgelassen und damit den Akteuren und Zuschauern bewußt gemacht wird. 6. Heiner Müller, der sein Theater auch in der konfrontativen Auseinandersetzung mit den Stücken und der Theatertheorie Brechts kreiert hat, ist ein immer wieder zitierter Spiritus Rector Lehmanns. Die entsprechende Traditionslinie orientiert die Anordnung zweier umfangreicher Kapitel, "Der andere Brecht" und "Studien zu Heiner Müller", wobei der ältere Dialektiker durch die postmoderne Lesart des Jüngeren neu zu entdecken ist. Folglich geht es in sechs Beiträgen nicht um den bekannten, sondern um den "anderen" Brecht, d.h. nicht um den Brecht, der den "Idealen des Kollektivs, der kommunistisch-leninistischen Politik" (208) zu nahe kam, sondern den von Lehmann vorgeschlagenen und in der Lektüre aufgedeckten zweideutigen und aufgrund der jeweiligen politischen Situation in Amerika und in der DDR maskierten Brecht. Gefunden wird dabei inhaltlich das Böse als Kehrseite des behaupteten Moralischen, das dem Grundsätzlichen unterlegte Zweifelnde und Fragende, welches sich auch formal im "performativen Status der Sätze" (216) und in den "Spaltungen im Bau der Texte" (213) nachweisen läßt. Lehmanns Dekonstruktionen Brechts opponieren gegen die Geschlossenheit der Fabelstruktur als "Fabel-Haft", indem sie in den Theatertexten und -theorien "produktive Widersprüche" und "innere Spannungen" (225) aufzeigen. Insbesondere das Fragment Fatzer soll darlegen, wie sich Brecht radikal derart in theatrale und politische Selbstwidersprüche schrieb, daß er "an diesem Abgrund, zumal am Versuch, den 'Konflikt' von 'Ego' und Kollektiv überzeugend auszutragen, 'scheiterte'." (250) Dieser Konflikt zeitigte eine solche Sprengkraft, daß, übertragen vom dramatischen Text Fatzer auf den theatralen Text des Lehrstücks, dieses als Performance und damit als Möglichkeitsraum interpretierbar wird. Hier geht das Drama in den Ereignis-Raum über, indem es den Zuschauer gleichzeitig zum Schauspieler macht und umgekehrt. Die gegenseitige Wahrnehmung der Akteure läßt die eigenen als fremde Gesten bewußt und gleichzeitig die Grenze zwischen Theater und Leben undeutlich werden. In diesem Moment, in dem Brechts Theaterthesen im Theater performativ unterlaufen werden, transformiert sich der Brechtsche zum postdramatischen Gestus, zum performativen Akt. 7. Die Realerfahrung in der DDR sowie die Auseinandersetzung mit der Theaterästhetik Brechts und die intensive Lektüre der Neostrukturalisten, insbesondere Foucaults, beeinflussen Müllers dramatisches Werk. So erscheint die überlieferte symbolische Ordnung, in die das "Individuum" eingefügt ist, als die Wiederkehr der Toten, die Lehmann in einem Beitrag als "Müllers Gespenster" auftreten läßt. Fundamentale Differenzen zwischen Anwesenheit und Begriff sowie zwischen Körper und Text erzeugen sowohl eine Verfehlung als auch ein Begehren, das in der Akzeptanz dieses unaufhebbaren Mangels eine Dramaturgie erzwingt, welche mittels der Demontage der Einheit der Fiktion und der Montage heterogener Textelemente "jeden szenischen Moment wie am Anfang erscheinen" (340) läßt und so, die eigene Intertextualität ausstellend, in einem performativen Akt die symbolische Ordnung tradiert. Als der für Lehmann "bedeutendste Autor postdramatischer Texte" (340) gibt Müller die "Figurendramaturgie [.] zugunsten eines Theaters von Stimmen, in dem die Figuren Träger des Diskurses werden" (339) just zu der Zeit auf, als in der Neoavantgarde weltweit neue Theater- und Regieformen generiert werden, die unter dem weiten Begriff Performance subsumiert werden. Müllers Dramaturgie und der Ereignis-Raum der Aktionskunst konvergieren zu theatralen Phänomenen, die Lehmann unter dem Begriff Postdramatik bekannt gemacht hat. 8. Der Autor, dies beweist einmal mehr die vorliegende Essaysammlung, ist nicht nur ein profunder Wissenschaftler, sondern schreibt auch als Intellektueller in der Tradition Émile Zolas, welcher in der öffentlichen Meinung einen durchaus klaren Standpunkt, der wenig Kompromisse oder eigene Widersprüche erkennen läßt, einnimmt. DAS POLITISCHE SCHREIBEN präsentiert eine erstaunlich kohärente Entwicklung Lehmanns von der Spätphase der Frankfurter Schule bis zu den Neostrukturalisten und vom Brechtschen Gestus bis zur Postdramatik - der Sprung von Adornos "Negativer Dialektik" zu Lyotards "Affirmativer Ästhetik" ist ja geringer als gemeinhin angenommen. Insofern ist die Essaysammlung gerade jüngeren TheaterwissenschaftlerInnen als Ergänzung zur obligatorischen Pflichtlektüre Postdramatisches Theater sehr zu empfehlen, bietet sie doch eine Archäologie einiger der wichtigsten intellektuellen Paradigmen seit den 70er Jahren, inklusive deren Verhältnis zur Theatertheorie und -praxis. Man mag die Konsequenz in der Haltung Lehmanns als Widerspruch zwischen fluider Theorie und beharrender Praxis empfinden, doch Vorwürfe dieser Art begleiten generell Theorieentwürfe, die zum unendlichen Regreß tendieren, und das sind momentan die avanciertesten. Der eingangs angesprochene virulente Meinungsaustausch über das Politische in der Gesellschaft und im Theater wird weiter zu führen sein. Auch wenn man, wie der Rezensent, keineswegs der Meinung ist, daß, so der Autor, "die Ethik des Theaters [.] sich mithin nicht an der inhaltlichen Repräsentation von Ethischem, sondern an der Art und Weise des Zeichengebrauchs" (100) orientieren soll und einen performativen Raum als Ausnahmezustand, wie ihn Lehmann ausgerechnet mit Carl Schmitt formuliert, als sehr bedenklich ansieht, muß man das außerordentliche stilistische und intellektuelle Niveau der Schriften Lehmanns anerkennen. Als prägnante und relevante Positionen werden sie die anstehenden Diskussionen zum Politischen im Theater entscheidend mitbestimmen. [1] Tilman Broszat und Gottfried Hattinger: Is it real? Gedanken zum Thema. Pressemappe zum Theaterfestival Spielart 2003 München vom 24. Okt. bis 8. Nov. 2003. [2]

Author's introductionBy reflecting on violence in its many manifestations this course is intended to problematize youth's relationship to violence. Not only will it underscore how and why violence is perpetrated by young people, but, perhaps more important, how young people are affected. Students will reflect on how violence impacts and enters their own lives – sometimes in very inauspicious ways. Much of what counts as entertainment is laden with, and centres on, violence. For example, Grand Theft Auto is a popular video game wherein game players assume the role of a wannabe gangster whose rise though the criminal underworld is predicated upon his thieving and murderous efficiency. Similarly, the movie Never Back Down follows a young male as he attempts to fight his way into the vaunted inner circle of his high school's 'in' group. Marred by and revered for his reputation as a 'tough guy', the protagonist is forced, in a contradiction that only makes coherent sense in the context of the pervasive violent masculinity which buoys the film, to fight his way clear of this foul reputation.Human intersections with violence are undeniably and unexpectedly complicated. We are fascinated and our lives are directly affected by violence regardless of proximity. Significantly, violence – both the Hollywood version and that which is 'real'– affects each and all. Fears of violence, whether they are informed by official statistics, crime‐based dramas, the 6 o'clock news or reality television, contour our existence in very definite ways. Our temporal and spatial movement through urban space, our understandings of law and governance strategies, our relations with 'others'– significant and otherwise – are conditioned by tangential, lived, experienced and witnessed violence. It alters our way of being, where we choose to live, and how we conduct, protect and entertain ourselves. No one is immune. Human experience is contoured irrevocably by violence.At issue is our inconsistent and contradictory relationship to youth violence. Parents applaud young people's violence – especially their sons'– as they 'duke it out' on the football field and in the hockey arena and urge them to 'get' or 'kill' the other team. At the same time, young people are overrepresented as victims of violence – especially our daughters. This course provides an opportunity to explore and analyze how youth [and] violence is braided into the fabric of Western culture.Starting points/learning objectives1What follows are issues students should consider and meditate on throughout the term. I encourage readers to introduce them at the beginning of the semester and return to them several times throughout. They may also be used to frame study questions and as a course summary.

What is violence?
Why is there such growing concern about youth violence?
What role does the media play in our understanding of youth violence?
How are youth gangs perceived?
What is the relationship between youth and violence?
What is the connection between masculinity(ies) and violence?
How does Western culture champion and, at the same time, abhor youth violence?
What are 'solutions' to youth violence?
What role can youth play in this process?

Author recommendationsHannah Arendt, 1970, On Violence. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace.Following her tumultuous experiences of living through the Second World War and student protests of the 1960s, Hannah Arendt penned her reflections on violence. She famously writes that, 'Violence can always destroy power; out of the barrel of a gun grows the most effective command, resulting in the most instant and perfect obedience. What never can grow out of it is power' (53). She maintains that even though power and violence may hold phenomological elements in common, they are in fact opposites: 'where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course it ends in power's disappearance' (56). Arendt develops this line of argument later in the book and concludes that, 'Every decrease in power is an open invitation to violence – if only because those who hold power and feel it slipping from their hands ... have always found it difficult to resist the temptation to substitute violence for it' (87). For Arendt, worlds (both individual and global) become irrevocably altered through incidences of violence. She writes, 'the practice of violence, like all action, changes the world, but the most probable change is to a more violent world' (80). Arendt's reflections occasion an opportunity to reflect not only on interpersonal violence, but perhaps more important, state violence.Fearnley, Fran (ed.). 2004. I wrote on all Four Walls: Teens Speak Out on Violence. Toronto, Canada: Annick.How do youth experience violence? This collection contains the captivating stories of nine affected youth whose voices narrate experiences of being victims and instigators of violence. Their stories evidence the complexities of violence. They demonstrate how a great deal of slippage exists between the categories of victim and offender. Instead of being clear cut, the spellbinding tales evidence how the line separating the violent and the victim is often blurred. Most striking about this collection is the demand that adults listen to youth's voices. Tragically, youth are too often the objects of social regulation and academic discourse without being its authors. This collection forces the reader to consider what role, if any, youth voices may play in the amelioration of violence.Loeber, Rolf and David P. Farrington (eds.). 1998. Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Co‐edited by Rolf Loeber and David Farrington, this impressive collection offers innovative and insightful essays centring on the aetiology and trajectory of violent youth. This report of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention's focus group on serious and violent offenders asks the reader to reflect on well‐worn assumptions. Instead of attending to single and static causal explanations of youth violence, the authors identify significant risk and resiliency factors. Collectively, the 17 chapters argue for more proactive responses to youth violence that attend to the complexity of juvenile development. The authors maintain that effective reforms and interventions can be implemented only when predictable assemblages of risk and protective factors are isolated. This volume of essays is impressive for the surfeit of data on risk and resiliency.Messerschmidt, James. 2000. Nine Lives: Adolescent Masculinities, The Body and Violence. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.No list of recommended readings on violence would be complete without at least one of James Messerschmidt's splendid books. In addition to Nine Lives, his Masculinities and Crime and Flesh and Blood are equally impressive. Tying these works together is the author's insistence that masculinities are at the centre of any coherent understanding of violence. Equally important to Messershmidt's work in Nine Lives is his use of the 'life history method'; which involves 'appreciating how adolescent male violent offenders construct and make sense of their particular world, and to comprehend the ways in which they interpret their own lives and the world around them' (5). For Messerschmidt, the world of boys is saturated with violent images that provide a rather limited cultural script through which to define manhood and manliness. Instead of prizing sensitivity and empathy, this hegemonic masculinity rewards (among other destructive qualities) toughness. The significance of this book lies in how Messerschmidt underscores the gendered meaning of violence in the world of nine boys.Sheridan, Sam. 2007. A Fighter's Heart: One Man's Journey Through the World of Fighting. New York, NY: Grove.A scarred man dripping in blood emblazons the cover of Sam Sheridan's book. Taken after one of his professional fights, the image captures the gaze while it repulses the mind. Sheridan's work takes the reader through the preparation and training of the violent body. The interested are catapulted into the world of fighting for sport and the intense and somewhat bizarre physical and, perhaps more important, psychological preparations fighters undertake to do violence to an other. In this book, Sheridan takes the reader on a journey through the life of a professional fighter and along the way provides insight into the corporeality of violence. Sheridan writes, 'Fighting is not just a manhood test; that is the surface. The depths are about knowledge and self knowledge, a method of examining one's own life and motives. For most people who take it seriously, fighting is much more about the self than the other' (337). While the other books I have recommended seek to stand at a distance from violence and describe the physical, psychological and spiritual construction of the violent body from a safe vantage, Sheridan's book dives head first into the masculine phenomenon.Zimring, Franklin. 1998. American Youth Violence. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.With fantastic media claims of a looming youth violence crisis and equally unreasonable governmental policy responses as the backdrop, Franklin Zimring's book offers a sober(ing) reflection. While the author finds media representations of juvenile violence particularly troubling, he considers the aggressive governmental response exceedingly incongruent with the scope of the problem. Wild media depictions of marauding youth criminals and equally pugnacious governmental responses has contributed to an ethos of intolerance manifest in an increasingly punitive juvenile court. After a systematic and careful analysis of juvenile court data and existing state policy, Zimring concludes that youth violence is a problem that requires a more level‐headed approach than is evidenced in escalating incarceration rates and reactionist policy.Zizek, Slavoj. 2008. Violence. New York, NY: Picador.Like Arendt, Slavoj Zizek implores the reader to think more critically and widely about the meanings of violence. Enjoining his characteristic psychoanalytic cunning bolstered by Marxist sagicity, Zizek maintains that violence embodies three overlapping and bouying configurations: subjective, objective and systemic. Through the lens of popular and not‐so‐popular movies and jokes, he suggests that our myopic preoccupation with subjective violence (interpersonal) obscures more insidious forms of systemic violence (committed by capital as intrinsic to the cost of doing business). Engrossment in subjective violence not only allows the systemic forms to go on (relatively) undetected, but to fester. Zizek's book demands that the reader assume a more panoramic stance when posing questions about violence.Course assignmentAdvertising campaign to end violenceIn groups or individually, students act as the creative marketing team for the mayor who is intent on curbing violent youth crime.Instructions

Select a category of violent youth crime for which you would like to create an advertising campaign (e.g. gang violence; dating violence; assault; sexual assault/rape & etc).
For your selected issue, create an advertisement in any media (i.e. poster; newspaper/magazine spot; radio ad (60 sec.); television spot (90 sec.); Public Service Advertisement (PSA, 20 min.); Youtube message (2 min.); newspaper insert; billboard & etc.). You must describe the location/place where the campaign will be found (i.e. which newspaper? During what television show(s)?, etc.).
In addition to your advertisement, you are required to submit a 7 to 10‐page paper that provides the theoretical and intellectual background to your advertising campaign (drawing on at least seven sources). The paper will outline the nature of the selected violent crime problem and explain how the campaign will manage or curb its incidence. Elements of your paper will include: clear introduction and conclusion; clear identification of the major factors involved in the issue; familiarity with the relevant literature; clear organization of the material and arguments; and critical analysis (i.e. What are the limitations of your approach).
You will be given 10 minutes during a town‐hall meeting held during the last week of classes to pitch your campaign to the mayor and alderpersons (aka the class). You must explain why your approach will prove effective and ultimately receive the mayor's endorsement.
Effective Advertising campaigns will be attractive, memorable, clear and creative. A useful example can be found at: http://www.gov.ab.ca/acn/200706/216833FE9BEF6‐0ECF‐81D6‐01A4883EC4C04B71.html
Supporting media: http://www.aglc.gov.ab.ca/pdf/social_responsibility/cage_poster_one_stepped_toe.pdf http://www.aglc.gov.ab.ca/pdf/social_responsibility/cage_poster_five_asked_dance.pdf
You must submit and justify the budget for your campaign. The price tag must be in‐line with potential return.

Recommended films and videosA number of outstanding videos on the topic of youth violence now exist, and I use a number of these throughout the course. In addition to films, I use a variety of additional media forms (i.e. websites, newspaper articles and television news) and guest speakers (i.e. Former gang members, juvenile justice professionals, street kids) that encourage critical thinking. Three films that I find particular useful are: Tough Guise–http://www.mediaed.org/videos/MediaGenderAndDiversity/ToughGuiseTeaching guide: http://mediaed.org/videos/MediaGenderAndDiversity/ToughGuise/studyguide/html Gang Aftermath–http://www.nfb.ca/collection/films/fiche/?id=54450 A Clockwork Orange–http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0066921/Useful websitesFight Violence.net –http://www.fightviolence.net/Ihuman –http://www.ihuman.org/Jackson Katz – 10 Things Men Can do to Prevent Gender Violence –http://www.jacksonkatz.com/wmcd.htmlPromoting Relationships and Eliminating Violence (PREVnet) –http://prevnet.ca/Public Health Agency of Canada – Dating Violence –http://www.phac‐aspc.gc.ca/ncfv‐cnivf/familyviolence/html/femdatfreq_e.htmlThe Youth Restorative Action Project –http://yrap.org/Youth Violence: A Report of the Surgeon General –http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/youthviolence/Sample course outlineSection 1 –Introduction to the courseThe first class(es) are intended to provide students with an overview of the course. The starting points/learning objectives outlined above provide a useful entry.Section 2 –What is violence?Providing conceptual clarification of the main concept under consideration is essential before proceeding too far into course content. This section reflects on how violence is defined (and left undefined) in philosophy, law, and criminology. Students will be asked to meditate on the limitations of each approach and to query whether violence can ever be justified and, if so, how.Section 3 –How much violence?Citizens are concerned about violent crime and are impressed by what crime statistics reveal. However, official statistics reveal only those cases which come to police attention or, more specifically, where police arrest a suspect for committing what the criminal code determines to be a violent offence. Understandably, not all violent crime is reported to police. Criminologists refer to the remainder as the dark figure of crime. It follows that crime scholars and statisticians can never be certain they have captured all the crime – violent or otherwise – that is committed in a particular society. When official statistics and media reports are the sole means employed to construct the public face of violence, victimization remains obscured. 'Not on the public's radar in the ethos of school shootings and high profile stabbings is that youth are the most likely victims of violence. Indeed, when the focus of the public's ire is set against a (perceived) rise in violent crime';2 victimization (i.e. bullying, dating violence, and, but not limited to, sexual assault) becomes an almost irrelevant aside to statistics. This section of the course provides an opportunity to shift the locus of debate from sensational media accounts to the complexities involved in youth violence.Section 4 –Understanding Violence and the Violent Offender?For what reasons do youth act violently? Since expert opinion varies widely, the answer you receive to this question will depend greatly on to whom it is posed. With particular attention paid to gender (especially masculinity), this section surveys various explanations of violent youth behaviour.Section 5 –Violent VictimizationYouth are typically overrepresented as victims of violent crime. This section of the course considers why this seems to be the case. It also surveys different forms of violent victimization including: racial violence, bullying, dating violence and sexual assault. Students will be asked to consider the most likely perpetrators of these crimes.Section 6 –The Culture of ViolenceViolence pervades Western culture. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the mass media. Movies, video games, sports, music videos and television programmes all contain heavy doses of violence. This section of the course confronts the violent images many take for granted. An attempt is made to juxtapose simulated violence with 'real‐life' violence and ponder what renders the former (more) acceptable while the latter is (almost) universally condemned. Through an examination of violence in media (movies, video games, etc.) and sport (hockey, football and mixed martial arts) students consider what our relative acceptance of these forms of violence reveals about Western society.Section 7 –Regulating and Managing ViolenceFear of violence has prompted individuals to respond in very direct ways to the prospect of victimization (i.e. buying pepper spray, purchasing burglar alarms, avoiding a particular area of town after dark). They have also demanded that their governments impose the most austere punishments on violent offenders and enact increasingly intrusive legislation. Bootcamps, chain gangs, the strap and, of course, incarceration have been advanced in the fight against violence. Canada's ruling Conservative party has recently pressured the Senate to speed up their deliberations over their proposed Tackling Violent Crime Act; which boasts a number of measures intended to satiate demand from a fearful public.Questions to consider in this section of the course include: Why has state intervention proven relatively ineffective? What innovative programs exist 'outside' of the state? To what extent does the amelioration of violence depend on the creation and widespread acceptance of a more tolerant and less aggressive masculine ethic? What role can youth play in preventing violence?Section 8 –ConclusionThe final section provides an opportunity to reflect on course themes by returning to the learning objectives and starting points outlined above. It is also an opportunity to move forward. If all agree that youth violence is indeed a problem, we must ask what we (each and all) are willing to do toward its amelioration. In the meantime we need to ask difficult and uncomfortable questions while assembling creative means of positively improving the situation many young people face. This means going beyond interventions that replicate the status quo to considering what a more just and humane world would look like.Notes
* Correspondence address: Department of Sociology, University of Alberta, 5‐21 H.M. Tory Building, Edmonton, AB T6G 2H4, Canada. Email: bryan.hogeveen@ualberta.ca.

1 Starting Points are adapted from Minaker and Hogeveen, Youth, Crime and Society: Issues of Power and Justice.

2 Hogeveen, Bryan. 2007. 'Youth (and) Violence.' Sociology Compass. ½: 463–484. ReferencesHogeveen, Bryan 2007. 'Youth (and) Violence.' Sociology Compass ½: 463–84.Minaker, Joanne C. and Bryan Hogeveen 2008. Youth, Crime and Society: Issues of Power and Justice. Toronto, Canada: Pearson.

The purpose of this paper is to illuminate the ill effects of neoliberal ideology on labor and education in the United States since the defeat of Keynesian economics in the United by the 1980s (Aronwitz, 2001; Robertson, 2007; Winfield, 2012). That is, neoliberal policy bears significant responsibility in the decline of labor and public schooling in the United States. Concurrently, over the past few decades there has been a significant transfer of wealth from poor and middle-class Americans to the very top of the income distribution (Piketty, 2014). While the wealthiest Americans have benefited from much lower taxes on their wealth in the past few decades, there has been a concurrent hollowing of the middle class due largely to automation and less to offshoring (Autor, 2010). Moreover, Congress and state legislatures have reduced appropriations to K-12 and higher education considerably (Leachman & Mai, 2014; Giroux, 2014; Mitchell, Palacios, & Leachman, 2014). 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