"Ordered by the Legislative Assembly to be printed, 24th June, 1857." ; A petition from the Assembly of the United Church of England and Ireland in Victoria urging "that a central establishment be formed for the reception of all Aboriginal children or adults who can be induced to enter it."
Title from cover. ; "Comprising the transactions of the Aborigines' Protection Society; interesting intelligence concerning the aborigines of various climes, and articles upon colonial affairs; with comments upon the proceedings of government and of colonists towards native tribes." ; Vol. 2 called also: New series. ; Includes: Annual report of the Aborigines Protection Society. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This paper focuses on the relatively successful experience of territorialization by a group of aborigine migrants in metropolitan Taipei, northern Taiwan. The aborigine migrants of the Amis established a self-built community in a marginal site along the riverbank of northern Taipei that was constantly under the threat of floods and of eviction and forced relocation by the government. But eventually the settlers and the government came to an agreement regarding on-site relocation, and the municipal authority granted special land use rights to the settlers. Several historical processes help explain their success. First, the rising political discourse of Taiwan Independence in the past decade has provided the aborigine migrants with political legitimacy and support. Second, Taiwan's social activism has been developing rapidly since the 1990s, as its electoral democracy takes shape and matures; the aborigine migrants' rights to the city were an integral part of this social mobilization. Third, the reinforced identity and solidarity within the community in question helped form a coherent front at the moment of confrontation and negotiation with the government. Finally, a group of professional and progressive planners have been actively involved throughout the territorialization process, acting as planners, brokers and coordinators.
Wik is generally associated with the pastoral industry, and with that important High Court case which ruled that native title still existed on pastoral leases in Australia. The Wik are a group of indigenous Australians who live in North Queensland, and who were moved off their land at Arukun to make way for mining development under Joh Bjelke-Petersen's regime. In those days they looked like a bunch of innocents being pushed around by big business. Now things have changed. Their rights to mining royalties may not be as clear-cut as under the Northern Territory Land Rights Act, but the Cape York Land Council and other key negotiating groups have been astutely stitching together some deals which see mining companies now working closely with Aborigines, and governments resisting the pace of negotiation and change.
These essays, written for The Age and The Canberra Times between 1984 and 1990, are especially relevant to Australia post-Mabo and in a period when the Keating Labor Government is grappling with reconciliation.
This monograph has been written with two main objectives in mind. The first is to present empirical data about the economic impact of tourism on Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory. There is some concern in the wider community that Aboriginal ownership of important tourist destination constrains tourism growth, but this has never been rigorously examined. The evidence presented here suggests this concern may be misplaced. Secondly, I have canvassed a range of tourism policy issues that need to be addressed, especially by Aboriginal people contemplating involvement in this industry. This policy discussion has been animated by my longer term research focus on the impact of land rights on the economic status of Aboriginal people. Will ownership of important tourism destinations, like Kakadu and Uluru National Parks, provide Aboriginal people with economic and political leverage? If not, is the granting of land rights truly 'a first step on a long road towards self-sufficiency and eventual social and economic equality for Aborgines'? (Woodward 1974: 138) ; Research aided by a grant from Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies
Additional author: Victoria. Board for the Protection of the Aborigines in the Colony of Victoria. Additional title: Board for the Protection of the Aborigines : report. Additional title: Board for the Protection of the Aborigines in the Colony of Victoria: report Additional title: Central Board Appointed to watch over the interests of the Aborigines in the Colony of Victoria : report Additional title: Report of the Board for the Protection of the Aborigines in the Colony of Victoria, 7th-31st, 1871-1895Additional title: Report of the Central Board Appointed to Watch over the Interests of the Aborigines in the Colony of Victoria, 1st-6th, 1861-1869 Additional title: Aborigines / Victoria. Parliament. Legislative Council. Select Committee on Aborigines (1859) Additional title: Aborigines / Victoria. Parliament. Legislative Council, 1854 Ceased publication in 1925 ; Includes 51 reports
At head of title: Department of the Interior. U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell, in charge. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Social and governmental organization -- The law of hospitality and its general practice -- Communism in living -- Usages and customs with respect to land and food -- House of Indian tribes north of New Mexico -- Houses of the sedentary Indians of New Mexico -- Houses in ruins of the sedentary Indians of the San Juan Rive and its tributaries --Houses of the mound-builders -- Houses of the Aztecs or ancient Mexicans -- Ruins of houses of the sedentary Indians of Yucatan and Central America ; Mode of access: Internet.
Through references to four anecdotes, this article approaches the complex and often neglected topic of the relationship between Sicilian migrants in Australia and Aborigines. It does so not in search of clear evidences that may structure a well-defined historical narrative, but rather looking for moments of truth that may open up new dialogues, narratives, research. Within embodied otherness, it is the uncanny feeling towards the racialised other that most effectively make us understand the complex relationship Italian migrants have had with the (un)familiar. The concept of the uncanny helps us understand that the racism of many Italian migrants towards Aboriginal people in Australia has not been resulting from a frightening encounter with the other, with the unfamiliar, with the difference. It has rather been the result of the return of what has been repressed from historical memory, namely the colonial character of Italian unification, Italians' own racist and colonial history, the colonial nature of many Italian migrants' settlement abroad, and the identification of southern Italians as the colonised, racialised others, in Italy and abroad. Through positive examples of emotional, intimate and political engagement between Sicilians and Aborigines, this article also consider people's agency in moving within and challenging the constraining, intricate pervasiveness of the racial and colonial dictate in contemporary Australian society.
Through references to four anecdotes, this article approaches the complex and often neglected topic of the relationship between Sicilian migrants in Australia and Aborigines. It does so not in search of clear evidences that may structure a well-defined historical narrative, but rather looking for moments of truth that may open up new dialogues, narratives, research. Within embodied otherness, it is the uncanny feeling towards the racialised other that most effectively make us understand the complex relationship Italian migrants have had with the (un)familiar. The concept of the uncanny helps us understand that the racism of many Italian migrants towards Aboriginal people in Australia has not been resulting from a frightening encounter with the other, with the unfamiliar, with the difference. It has rather been the result of the return of what has been repressed from historical memory, namely the colonial character of Italian unification, Italians' own racist and colonial history, the colonial nature of many Italian migrants' settlement abroad, and the identification of southern Italians as the colonised, racialised others, in Italy and abroad. Through positive examples of emotional, intimate and political engagement between Sicilians and Aborigines, this article also consider people's agency in moving within and challenging the constraining, intricate pervasiveness of the racial and colonial dictate in contemporary Australian society.
"This thesis draws on the documentary historical record to examine the interactions between the indigenous Larrakia people and the white settlers in the colonial township of Darwin between the years 1869 and 1911. The colonial recognition of the Larrakia as the traditional owners of lands in the Darwin region and the historical question of their land rights is discussed in some detail. The colonisation of the Darwin region had a considerable impact on the Larrakia people's ability to live on their country as they had done prior to the invasion. This thesis seeks to understand the negotiations, compromises and decisions the Larrakia made to survive in their changing landscape. This thesis shows that while the Larrakia people were recognised as the prior occupants of Darwin and, as such, accorded a distinct status within the township in the whole period under study, the colonisers ultimately failed to give tangible expression to the Larrakia's land rights." - Abstract ; Abstract -- Introduction -- Claiming and naming -- Exchange and alliance -- Land and meaning -- Inclusion and exclusion -- Reserves and rations -- Legislation and segregation -- Appendix 1: instructions issued to to the Protector of Aborigines -- Bibliography ; Made available by the Northern Territory Library via the Publications (Legal Deposit) Act 2004 (NT). ; Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology, Sydney. 2003
During the Second World War, the Services faced a dilemma concerning the enlistment of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders: would they conform to the Commonwealth government's assimilationist policy and permit the enlistment of Aborigines who met enlistment criteria, or would they maintain their conservative ethos, arguing that Aborigines should not be admitted to military service? Aborigines and Islanders had much to gain from admission. Military service offered employment, overseas travel, trade training and other benefits. But most importantly, it offered a persuasive argument for the extension to Aborigines of 'citizens ' rights'. While Aborigines and Islanders sought enlistment, the Services struggled with their dilemma. The absence of an Aboriginal representation within the digger myth suggests that Aborigines were generally unsuccessful in making a contribution to the war effort and that the Services resolved their dilemma by excluding Aborigines from service. To investigate this issue, the development of Service policies in regard to the enlistment of non-Europeans was examined and the extent of Aboriginal and Islander enlistment was assessed. The formation of other relationships between the Services and Aborigines was also examined. Aborigines and Islanders made a significant contribution to the war effort, but the moral value of this contribution as a means of securing improvements in conditions for Aborigines was not able to be translated into political pressure because of lack of publicity given to the Aboriginal contribution. Throughout the war, the Services remained undecided about the question of the admission of Aborigines. They resolved their dilemma by maintaining the fiction of opposition to Aboriginal enlistment in their official policies while at the same time enlisting Aborigines, forming segregated Islander units, employing Aborigines in de facto military roles and employing Aborigines as civilian labourers. Although formal Service policies denied Aborigines the right to enlist, many ...