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In this article, I examine whether a constituency's political brand-defined here as the reputation that white evangelicals and Catholics have for "pro-life" abortion policy-influences the public abortion position taken by members in six U.S. state Houses of Representatives. At issue is whether constituent political brand functions as a non-interest group influence on state legislators. A fitting of the brand literature to the state politics domain suggests that the effect of political brand might be dependent on constituent presence in a state House district-be it the relative size of the constituency or its organizational (church-based) cohesion. Results confirm the influence of constituent political brand and point to white evangelicals as having an influence on a member's abortion position based on the size and homogeneity of their constituency. Catholics possess brand influence as well, but theirs is powered by the church's organizational-parish-presence and cohesion in U.S. state House districts. These findings suggest that the two major "pro-life" constituencies in American politics are able to leverage brand in the political realm in ways that the literature has not previously considered. Adapted from the source document.

Pro‐life "crisis pregnancy centers" are an increasingly important venue for the American abortion conflict, yet scholars know little about them. The increasing concentration of abortion among the poor also potentially heightens their relevance since they aim to reduce abortion through offers of practical support. This article describes this branch of the pro‐life movement, focusing on its approach to poverty and the political factors that may shape it. My national, mixed‐method study of pro‐life pregnancy centers finds that they devote substantial attention to poverty, frequently collaborate with social welfare agencies, and claim that a compassionate, "woman‐centered" approach differentiates them from other pro‐life groups. Despite this, there is little evidence that the development of such centers is related to conflict in the pro‐life movement over poverty.Related Articles
Carmines, Edward G., Jessica C. Gerrity, and Michael W. Wagner. 2010. "." Politics & Policy 38 (): 1135‐1158. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00272.x/abstract


Gainous, Jason, Stephen C. Craig, and Michael D. Martinez. 2008. "." Politics & Policy 36 (): 972‐1004. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00147.x/abstract


Medoff, Marshall H. 2010. "." Politics & Policy 38 (): 193‐221. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00235.x/abstract
Related Media
Gibbs, Nancy. 2007. "." . February 15. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1590444,00.html
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. 2012. "." February 18. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lG412TvBTMo

AbstractIn this article, I examine whether a constituency's political brand—defined here as the reputation that white evangelicals and Catholics have for "pro-life" abortion policy—influences the public abortion position taken by members in six U.S. state Houses of Representatives. At issue is whether constituent political brand functions as a non-interest group influence on state legislators. A fitting of the brand literature to the state politics domain suggests that the effect of political brand might be dependent on constituent presence in a state House district—be it the relative size of the constituency or its organizational (church-based) cohesion. Results confirm the influence of constituent political brand and point to white evangelicals as having an influence on a member's abortion position based on the size and homogeneity of their constituency. Catholics possess brand influence as well, but theirs is powered by the church's organizational—parish—presence and cohesion in U.S. state House districts. These findings suggest that the two major "pro-life" constituencies in American politics are able to leverage brand in the political realm in ways that the literature has not previously considered.

Obgleich die Abtreibungsdiskussion in Israel von der Kontroverse in den USA stark inspiriert und beeinflußt ist, trägt sie wesentlich andere Züge. Nach einem kurzen historischen Abriß der israelischen Abtreibungsregelungen vergleicht die Autorin den Stellenwert alternativer Problemdefinitionen in verschiedenen Phasen dieser Entwicklung: Abtreibung als religiöses, als demographisches, als moralisches und als soziales Problem sowie als feministisches Thema. Besonders berücksichtigt werden Elemente der jüdisch-israelischen politischen und Rechtskultur, die den Import der amerikanischen Problemdefinitionen gefördert bzw. behindert haben. (DÜI-Hns)

AbstractFor the past century, the expansion of free speech rights has been the domain of liberals. Recently, however, conservatives have become advocates for expanded free speech rights. For Evangelicals Protestants, this advocacy would have been highly controversial only a generation ago, offending the base's ordered liberty sentiments. I suggest that abortion politics is a primary contributor to the evangelical free speech advocacy shift. Using a variety of data, I detail the evangelical shift toward expanded free speech by exploring the topics of radical protest, campaign finance, and obscenity. While rank-and-file evangelicals are less supportive of free speech than the general-public, elites have routinely used abortion politics to frame the shift toward individual free speech rights. Elites have diverged from their constituents to support a higher-priority issue (abortion), and the constituents have been supportive. Abortion politics has come to dominate evangelical advocacy decisions and has cultivated an evangelical rights culture.