Suchergebnisse

Since 1979, Congress has prohibited the Peace Corps from funding Volunteer abortions even in cases of rape, incest, or endangerment of the Volunteer's life. This approach directly contrasts with domestic abortion policies, such as Medicaid and those in federal prisons, which contain funding exceptions in these dire circumstances. Affording female Peace Corps Volunteers the same rights enjoyed by other federal employees who receive health care from the government should be uncontroversial. Domestic appropriations politics, however, cloud the focus of this policy, which should be Volunteer health and safety, and thwart efforts for legislative change. Meanwhile, Female Volunteers risk their safety and give two years of their lives to serve in remote regions of the world. In the name of fairness, the Peace Corps Act should be permanently amended to ensure that politics play no role in the provision of comprehensive medical care to female Volunteers.

Traces evolving role of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops in national elections; some focus on abortion issue. Focuses on the national elections of 1976, 1984, and 1988.

This Article is an exercise in comparative constitutional law and politics. It is both descriptive and analytical. It explores how--and explains why--Canada and the United States have mediated the tension between the right of access to abortion clinics and the freedom of religious expression. It also illuminates why both nations have privileged the right of access to abortion clinics over the right to free religious expression.

In this audiovisual presentation I reflect on the mix of creative methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling. The presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I then analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics.

Irish legislative engagement with abortion law reform has never been framed by recognition of the rights of pregnant women, girls and other people. Rather, where it has taken place at all, it has always been foetocentric and punitive, exceptionalising abortion and conceptualising law as a means of discouraging it. In important ways, the post-repeal landscape has failed to break decisively with this orientation. While in 2018 there was certainly more discussion of women's entitlement not to be exiled from the country in order to make decisions about reproduction, the framing that dominated legislative and government discourses of abortion law reform was one in which the 'problem' being addressed was such that unsafe medication, exclusion from formal medical systems, and the undeserved punishment of people who had received diagnoses of fatal foetal conditions in the course of their 'much wanted pregnancies' were the focus. There was little or no engagement in legislative politics with the right to choose, reproductive agency, reproductive justice or the moral standing of pregnant people as ethical decision makers when it came to their pregnancies. As a result, post-repeal abortion law reform was more about managing risk than maximising agency. I will argue that this underpins and partly explains the shortcomings of the new law: the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 ('HRTPA 2018'). Within that new legal regime, I argue, pregnant people continue to lack decisional security when it comes to their reproductive lives and are exposed to significant constitutional and dignitary harms as a result.

Shows that explanations constructed for the vote totals in newspaper coverage often differed from the findings of state exit polls, suggesting that media norms for what is "news" influences the process of explaining election results.

Is the feminist project under threat in Europe? This thematic issue addresses the question in both theoretical and empirical ways, focusing on the various ways in which feminist politics are opposed and why, on what the impact of such opposition is, and how to improve our theoretical understanding of this particular manifestation of gender and politics. The issue addresses three major challenges: a need to reflect on the most suited concepts and theories in political and social sciences to understand what is at stake in Europe today; a need to vernacularize existing knowledge while forging global frames of analysis; and a need to avoid the risk of reifying oppositional forces and of reiterating dichotomous frames and categories. The responses to these challenges are: to analyse the threats to the feminist project as parts of larger projects against social justice and equality; to contrast macro narratives by engaging with the microlevel of the anti-feminist project, enabling a critique of mainstream scholarship; to analyse the threats to the feminist project as related to processes of changes to democracy, such as democratic backsliding; to give prominent attention to discursive, epistemic and symbolic processes; and finally to include studies on the response of feminist actors to the threats experienced. This collection of articles offers a variety of perspectives on the various threats to the feminist project in Europe today. ; SCOPUS: ed.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Of feminism and disability theory's many overlapping concerns, few have received as much attention as prenatal genetic diagnosis and selective abortion. While the attention to how genetic selection reinforces disability stigma is important, much of this writing has failed to present the feminist case for the right to unrestricted abortion. This oversight has led to an articulation of the disability critique of selective abortion that threatens the very claims to reproductive freedom and bodily self-determination that undergird disability politics as well. This article rearticulates the feminist case for unrestricted reproductive rights in order to challenge the current framing of prenatal genetic diagnosis as an ethical failure and to present the opportunity to refigure reproductive rights as disability rights.