Suchergebnisse

Nezadovoljstvo građana političkim institucijama rezultiralo je sve izraženijim udaljavanjem demokratskih institucija od građana koje one zastupaju, ali i proporcionalnim porastom građanskih inicijativa usmjerenih prema zadobivanju većeg stupnja participacije u javnom životu. Zbog neravnoteže koja se javlja u okviru predstavničke demokracije pojavila se potreba za poboljšanjem načina na koji institucije komuniciraju. Cilj je ovoga istraživanja ocijeniti lokalnu komunikaciju u regijama Murcia i Navarre kroz analizu razine transparentnosti mrežnih stranica njihovih institucija. Primijenit će se ukupno 41 indikator, temeljen na španjolskoj platformi Mapa Infoparticip@ (www.mapainfoparticipa.com), kako bi se u te dvije autonomne zajednice, koje imaju svaka po jednu provinciju, utvrdile sličnosti i razlike na temelju kriterija transparentnosti i participacije. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju deficit u implementaciji normativa transparentnosti, što utječe na ulogu tih institucija kao izvora javnih informacija, kao i na građansku participaciju, što je osobito vidljivo u općinama s manjim brojem stanovništva. ; Citizens' disaffection with political institutions has resulted in an ever more pronounced distancing between the represented and their representative democratic institutions, with a commensurate increase in citizens' initiatives aimed at obtaining a higher degree of participation in public life. The imbalance experienced by representative democracy in this respect accounts for the need to improve the way in which institutions communicate. This study aims to assess local communication in the regions of Murcia and Navarre by analysing the level of transparency of their institutional websites. The 41 indicators that underpin Mapa Infoparticip@ (www.mapainfoparticipa.com) in Spain are used to see what similarities and differences can be identified when applying the criteria of transparency and participation in these two single-province Autonomous Communities. The findings show a deficit in implementing norms of transparency. This fact affects the role these institutions play as sources of public information and citizen participation, and it appears in a clearer way in municipalities with a smaller population.

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Ovaj članak nastoji prikazati na istraživanju utemeljeno razumijevanje uloge medija u tranzicijskim zemljama. Naše se istraživanje fokusira na procese političke socijalizacije, na političko ponašanje i vjerodostojnost te daje primjere iz triju regija: središnje i istočne Europe, Latinske Amerike te Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Pozornost smo skrenuli na neke od glavnih radova relevantnih za studije masovnih medija u tranzicijskom kontekstu s ciljem uvida u važne teorije dostupne u studijama o medijima i demokratizaciji. Svjesni ograničenja koja postavlja priroda i opseg uzorka pregledanih studija, identificirali smo i raspravili neke od potencijalnih ključnih prepreka razvoju teorije o političkoj socijalizaciji, političkom ponašanju i vjerodostojnosti u navedenim područjima te predložili alternativne pristupe u istraživanju. ; This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquiry.

U ovom se radu istražuje mogu li "građanske tehnologije" (tehnologije koje potiču aktivno građanstvo) na efikasan način razvijati političku učinkovitost građana i mijenjati njihovu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Anketirani su korisnici "građanskih tehnologija" na mrežnim stranicama iz SAD-a, UK-a, Kenije i Južnoafričke Republike. Temeljno je pitanje bilo jesu li određene građanske akcije nadzora, koje je moguće provesti putem tih mrežnih stranica, utjecale na promjenu mišljenja građana o tome reagiraju li vlade na građanski nadzor. Rezultati ukazuju na poboljšanu građansku učinkovitost, kao i na povećanu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Između korisnika "građanskih tehnologija" koji dolaze iz proučavanih zemalja uočene su značajne demografske razlike koje su povezane sa širokim spektrom načina na koje građani koriste informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT). Ipak, svima im je zajedničko povjerenje u učinkovitost tih tehnologija. Rezultati upućuju na to da objavljivanje i građanski nadzor vladinih informacija putem "građanskih tehnologija" povećavaju osjećaj vanjske učinkovitosti i percepciju odgovornosti vlade, kako u razvijenim zemljama tako i u zemljama u razvoju. ; This article examines whether civic technologies deliver an effective technique for developing the political efficacy of citizens and altering their perceived accountability of governments. Employing a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was performed on the users of civic technology sites in the USA, UK, Kenya and South Africa. The primary question posed is whether the specific citizen monitoring actions facilitated by these sites cause a related effect in altering the extent to which citizens believe that governments are responsive to citizen-audit. The results indicate an enhancement in citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability. Notable differences detected in the user demographics between the countries studied demonstrate a wide spectrum of citizen usage; however, with common confidence displayed by respondents in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings indicate that the publication and citizen-audit of government information through civic technologies in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and perceived government accountability.

Uz temeljna ustavna načela vladavine prava i podjele vlasti, načelo kolektivne i pojedinačne ministarske odgovornosti jamac je demokratskog legitimiteta uprave, koji leži u neprekinutom lancu delegacije i odgovornosti od birača prema parlamentu, od parlamenta do ministra te od ministra kroz sve razine uprave do razine najbliže građanima. U ovom radu razmatra se ustavnopravna osnovanost demokratskog legitimiteta neovisnih regulatornih tijela, s posebnim osvrtom na načelo ministarske odgovornosti. Poredbeno se obrađuju primjeri iz europskih država, gdje neovisnost regulatornih tijela ne zadire u temeljna ustavna načela. Zaključno se nastoji utvrditi u kojoj mjeri formalno utvrđena politička neovisnost jamči takvu neovisnost u materijalnom smislu te se razmatraju neke od najutjecajnijih teorija koje o svrsi osnivanja neovisnih regulatornih tijela nudi politička znanost. ; In addition to the fundamental constitutional principles of the rule of law and separation of powers, the principle of collective and individual ministerial responsibility is the guarantee of the democratic legitimacy of administration that lies in the unbroken chains of delegation and accountability from voters to Parliament, from Parliament to the minister, and from the minister through all levels of administration, to the level closest to citizens. This paper examines the theoretical constructions of the democratic legitimacy of independent regulatory authorities from the constitutionalist point of view, with particular reference to the principle of ministerial responsibility. It further discusses comparative examples from European countries where the independence of the regulatory authorities does not violate fundamental constitutional principles. In conclusion, this paper seeks to determine the extent to which formally established political independence guarantees such independence in the material sense, bearing in mind some of the most influential theories on the purpose of the establishment of independent regulatory authorities

U radu se opisuje i komentira The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) u Hrvatskoj, navode njegove temeljne premise te sistematizira rad na Projektu. Radilo se na četiri reformska pravca – jačanje decentralizacijske politike, prijenos znanja i vještina radi jačanja odgovornosti, oblikovanje institucija te suradnja s medijima obavještavanje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica i građana. Jačanje decentralizacijske politike nastojalo se provesti, na primjer, iniciranjem obuhvatne decentralizacijske reforme, radom na promjenama i poboljšanjima zakonodavstva, jačanjem uloge Udruge gradova te izgradnjom mreže za zagovaranje decentralizacije. Prijenos znanja i vještina nastojao se provesti usavršavanjem lokalnih službenika, poboljšanjem metoda upravljanja lokalnom imovinom i financijama, usavršavanjem postupaka i prakse javne nabave i investicija, izradom kompjutorskog programa za upravljanje lokalnim financijama, nastojanjem oko primjene mjera e-upravljanja u lokalnoj samoupravi, itd. Izgradnja institucija bila je usmjerena prema Udruzi gradova, Akademiji lokalne demokracije, obrazovnim inicijativama širom zemlje te jačanju suradnje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Pristup je bio participativan, odozdo-prema-gore, praktičan i podupirući. ; The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) in Croatia is described and commented. Main premises are noticed and work within the Project systematised. There were four reform directions – policy reform with a focus on decentralization, knowledge and skill transfer to increase accountability, institution building, and, finally, media outreach and local government and citizen information. Measures for reaching policy reform were, for example, introduction of a comprehensive decentralization reform, improvement of respective legislation, strengthening the role of the Association of Cities and building advocacy network. Knowledge and skills transfer was attempted by building capacity of local government professionals, working on asset and internal financial management, procurement and investment procedures and practices, creating new software with regard to financial management, promoting e-government measures, etc. Institution building was concentrated on the Association of Cities, the Local Democracy Academy, education initiatives throughout the country, and localgovernment cooperation. The overall approach was participative, bottom-up, practical, and supportive.

This study looks at the adaptation and implementation of the E.I.T.I principles in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and assesses whether governance through transparency and accountability practices in its extractive sector have improved. It relies on 18 interviews with stakeholders implicated in the E.I.T.I implementation, a literature review, and reports from various stakeholders. The analysis of data is based on Michel Foucault's theory of governmentality as well as a review of key concepts such as transparency, accountability and governance. The study uncovers that a culture of transparency and democratic debate is gradually gaining ground, although there is still too much resistance that prevents the E.I.T.I from leading to profound changes in policies in the extractive sector. In line with the previous studies, the E.I.T.I institutional and operational goals are progressing at the macro level of institutions but progress is almost inexistent at the micro-level. It concludes that in the DRC, E.I.T.I's development goals are far from being achieved because all stakeholders do not fully understand the standard's objectives. The study proposes that government sticks to E.I.T.I's guidelines in administrating mining revenue's, setting clear and measurable targets, implementing efficient data collection systems, put together a review system mechanism, and set up a punishment/reward mechanism that works. In sum, this study contributes to the field of natural resource management by pointing out that internal motivation, internal capacity, and external pressure appear to facilitate or limit the success of the global standard in solving the resource curse in poor countries that are rich in natural resources.

Sustainable development aims at addressing economic, social, and environmental concerns, but the current lack of responsive environmental governance hinders progress. Short-term economic development has led to limited actions, unsustainable resource management, and degraded ecosystems. The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) may continue to fall short of achieving significant progress without a better understanding of how ecosystems contribute to achieving sustainability for all people. Ecosystem governance is an approach that integrates the social and ecological components for improved sustainability and includes principles such as adaptive ecosystem co-management, subsidiarity, and telecoupling framework, as well as principles of democracy and accountability. We explain the importance of ecosystem governance in achieving the SDGs, and suggest some ways to ensure that ecosystem services are meaningfully considered. This paper reflects on how integration of these approaches into policies can enhance the current agenda of sustainability.

This text offers an overview over and a categorization of visionary statements produced by Swedish government agencies. The visionary statements are analyzed with respect to the values that they highlight, whom they pinpoint as the principal or initiator, and whether or not the visionary statement is limited to the agency's sphere of activity. From this discussion it can be concluded that the visionary statements among public agencies bears similarities with the visions used as management tools in the private sector. This similarity is highlighted by the tendency among the public agencies to emphasize economic values such as efficiency comparatively more than accountability and democracy. Since this study only covers official material retrieved form web pages it can draw conclusions about how the visionary statements are presented – and not concerning how they were initiated and developed. Nevertheless, the very existence of visionary statements among public agencies turns attention to the division between the politicians as policy makers and the bureaucracy as a purely implementing force – and to the question about where, when and by whom politics is being made.

Vrhovne revizijske institucije kao promotori jačanja odgovornosti u javnom sektoru važan su čimbenik demokratskog društvenog poretka. Svoje aktivnosti provode u okviru ustava, zakona te u skladu sa Međunarodnim standardima vrhovnih revizijskih institucija. Provode financijske revizije, revizije učinkovitosti te usklađenosti. Vrhovne revizijske institucije svojim djelovanjem utječu na kvalitetu javne usluge te stvaraju dodanu vrijednost društvu. U ovome radu naglasak je na transparentnom radu vrhovnih revizijskih institucija. Objava informacija na službenim mrežnim stranicama, u godišnjem izvještaju o radu te prisutnost na društvenim mrežama predstavljaju modele komunikacije vrhovnih revizijskih institucija putem kojih iste svoj rad i ulogu predstavljaju parlamentu i javnosti. ; Supreme audit institutions as promoters of strengthening accountability in the public sector are an important factor in democratic society. They act in accordance with legal framework and International standards of supreme audit institutions. Supreme audit institutions conduct financial audit, performance and compliance audit in public sector. They influence on the quality of public services and create added value for the society. This paper emphasizes the principles of transparency of supreme audit institutions. Official websites of supreme audit institutions, annual activity reports (also published on official website) and social networks present the most common communication channels for presenting the work and the role of supreme audit institutions to the parliament and to the general public.

Key Points • Understanding the impacts of SDG 16 on forests and people requires attention to the power dynamics that shape how all 17 SDGs are interpreted and implemented across the Global North and South. • As SDGs were agreed upon by nation states, SDG 16 places a strong emphasis on state power and the rule of law. • Yet inclusive governance requires the involvement of diverse actors, and consideration for customary laws and other non-state forms of rulemaking at global to local scales. • Many national laws governing forests and land use favour political elite, large-scale industry actors and international trade. • The development and strengthening of legal frameworks that support all of the SDGs – including those relevant to human rights, income inequalities, land tenure, gender and environmental protection – requires equal or greater priority than law enforcement. Otherwise, law enforcement will reinforce inequities and unsustainable practices. • SDG 16 provides an opportunity to overcome the stereotypes of the Global North as the referential role model for peace and democracy, by highlighting the role of the North in fostering market inequalities and global conflicts, and drawing attention to barriers to democratic and inclusive participation within the Global North. • How transparency, accountability and justice are conceived and prioritised shapes their impact on forests, as well as the degree to which their achievement either empowers forest-dependent peoples or excludes them from meaningful and informed engagement.

The thesis deals with responsibilities and social interactions in auditing political accountability in Swedish municipalities and regions. Can local audit institutions and their practices help to strengthen democratic leadership and responsibility? Case-studies have been performed in ten municipalities, one county council and one regional unit across Sweden during the period 2003 to 2007. They were selected with regard to variation in size, political majority and through informed observers' knowledge of their auditing strategies and structures. Documents describing their audit institution were also used in the selection process. The regional political unit is an innovation in public sector organization in Sweden. It comprises many municipalities in several earlier county councils forged into one regional politico-administrative unit, mainly concerned with citizens' healthcare. All political units in the study have democratically elected bodies and are legally similarly state regulated. The field-studies started with interviews in the audit institutions of municipalities and regions. The responsible politically elected auditors have repeatedly been interviewed throughout the period of research to ascertain developments. Questions have been asked about how they select challenges to be audited, their use of and experience with professional auditors and their relations with the political bodies and professional organizations in their municipalities and regions. Documents from the audit institutions have been perused and their use in formal, political decision-making pursued and registered. The results of the study show that auditing processes have impact on the organizing of services in the researched political units. But it differs, and is significantly related to local practices of organizing processes. More successful are organized when audit institutions relate well to professionals in services, invite them to participate as equals in auditing dialogs. It creates learning, for auditors as well as for responsible persons in the services. Important is also that municipal auditing is supported by legitimate political bodies and get the resources to contract professional advice by relevant external actors. This is not always the case, either for lack of asking for it or lack of political understanding of the necessity of learning by auditing. Successful auditing practices, in the complex organization of very specialized production of local welfare for citizens, depend on the leadership capability and legitimacy of political auditors to create trust and motive for specialists to engage in common endeavors, organized across, what Max Weber calls, 'iron cages' of bureaucratic organization. The democratic ethos of welfare states demands that resources politically are reserved for the 'have-nots' rather than for the 'haves'. Due to centralized 'iron cages', the general principles of welfare states today cannot cope with this localization. Since the 1970s, it has become the remit of welfare municipalities and regions. In Sweden 'have-nots' usually have multiple needs. An auditing focus on the 'have-nots', in line with the democratic ethos of welfare states, signifies more successful auditing practices. Auditors know 'for whom or what' they audit and are able to organize and motivate so that specialized, bureaucratic organizations combine their competences and skills. The results of the investigation show that auditing in few researched units are high on the learning curve of competent, inter-organizational political accountability. Several are moving upwards, but most are on the lower end on the curve.

Neprofitne organizacije ne osnivaju se sa svrhom stjecanja dobiti. Neprofitne organizacije najviše svojih prihoda ostvaruju putem donacija iz državnog proračuna, proračuna jedinica lokalne i regionalne samouprave, te donacija i članarina. Ključni aspekti neprofitnih organizacija su odgovornost, pouzdanost, iskrenost i otvorenost prema svakoj osobi koja je uložila vrijeme, novac i vjeru u organizaciju. Kako bi neprofitne organizacije pokazale da su odgovorne, pouzdane i transparentne u svom poslovanju nužno je da imaju fer prezentirane financijske izvještaje koji su osnova za provedbu kvalitetne analize. Analizom financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija omogućava se cjelokupna procjena poslovanja, načina financiranja i trošenja sredstava. Analiza financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija uključuje analizu koja je specifična za njihovo poslovanje, a ne stavljanja naglaska na profitabilnost kao kod profitnih organizacija. ; Non-profit organization is not established for the purpose of gaining profit. Non-profit organizations make the most of their incomes through donations from the state budget, local and regional self-government units, and donations and membership fees. The key aspects of nonprofits are accountability, trustworthiness, honesty, and openness to every person who has invested time, money, and faith into the organization. If non-profit organizations want to demonstrate that they are responsible, reliable and transparent in their operations, it is essential that they have fair financial statements that are the basis for conducting quality analysis. Analyzing the financial statements of nonprofits allows for an overall assessment of the business, how it is financed, and the use of funds. Analysis of the financial statements of nonprofit organizations involves analysis that is specific to their business, not emphasizing profitability as with for-profit organizations.

Neprofitne organizacije ne osnivaju se sa svrhom stjecanja dobiti. Neprofitne organizacije najviše svojih prihoda ostvaruju putem donacija iz državnog proračuna, proračuna jedinica lokalne i regionalne samouprave, te donacija i članarina. Ključni aspekti neprofitnih organizacija su odgovornost, pouzdanost, iskrenost i otvorenost prema svakoj osobi koja je uložila vrijeme, novac i vjeru u organizaciju. Kako bi neprofitne organizacije pokazale da su odgovorne, pouzdane i transparentne u svom poslovanju nužno je da imaju fer prezentirane financijske izvještaje koji su osnova za provedbu kvalitetne analize. Analizom financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija omogućava se cjelokupna procjena poslovanja, načina financiranja i trošenja sredstava. Analiza financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija uključuje analizu koja je specifična za njihovo poslovanje, a ne stavljanja naglaska na profitabilnost kao kod profitnih organizacija. ; Non-profit organization is not established for the purpose of gaining profit. Non-profit organizations make the most of their incomes through donations from the state budget, local and regional self-government units, and donations and membership fees. The key aspects of nonprofits are accountability, trustworthiness, honesty, and openness to every person who has invested time, money, and faith into the organization. If non-profit organizations want to demonstrate that they are responsible, reliable and transparent in their operations, it is essential that they have fair financial statements that are the basis for conducting quality analysis. Analyzing the financial statements of nonprofits allows for an overall assessment of the business, how it is financed, and the use of funds. Analysis of the financial statements of nonprofit organizations involves analysis that is specific to their business, not emphasizing profitability as with for-profit organizations.

This thesis studies political elites' beliefs about the ideal party leader. This ideal, like other human ideals, is characterized by ambivalence. The thesis explores the ambivalence expressed in party elites' leadership ideal and how it can be understood. The study draws primarily on qualitative interviews with members of the party elites in the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party in Sweden. Specifically, it analyzes the "life world" of the party leaders, party secretaries, group leaders in the Swedish Parliament, and election committee chairmen. Building on classical and modern research on leadership and political parties, the thesis derives an analytical tool to guide the interviews which covers six aspects of party leadership: Characteristics, Leadership style, Tasks, Freedom of action, Representation, and Status. The empirical analysis shows that the elites' party leadership ideal is ambivalent and different across the two parties. The ambiguities can be summarized as dichotomies, where the ideal leader should encompass both sides of the dichotomy. The Social Democratic Party elites' ideal is represented by two dichotomies: the leader versus the team and the party versus the government. To bridge the ambiguities, the elite resort to the idea of "anchoring". This notion resolves conflicts between the leader and the surrounding team and the party and the government. The ideal of the Liberal Party's elites includes four dichotomies: dogmatism versus pragmatism; idea versus person; appearance (outward-looking) versus action (inward-looking); and free versus constrained. Unlike the case of the Social Democratic Party, it is less evident how the Liberal Party's elites accommodate the ambiguities. However, an emphasis on accountability and maintaining a balance between existing conflicts, partially remedies the dilemma. Also, the idea of leadership within the Liberal Party is less problematic compared to the Social Democratic Party. In sum, while the Social Democrats' ideal resembles the "friendly father figure", the Liberals' ideal is portrayed by the "superficial intellectual". The findings also indicate that the way in which the parties were established, their experience of being in government, size, ideology, and position within the party system affect their beliefs about leadership ideals.