Suchergebnisse

In this work, brand activism is defined as a strategy that seeks to influence citizen-consumers by means of campaigns created and sustained by political values. It involves a transformation in corporate communication management and social responsibility practices, which borrows from those of social movements to contribute to the social production of identity of citizen-consumers. This corporate political shift involves the use of messages, slogans and content based on final (of common interest) or instrumental (linked to the industry in which they are applied) political values. Political behaviour does not operate in a vacuum but is the response to a change in values of the young generations employing digital technologies and demanding a different behaviour from global firms. However, these political advertising practices have been heavily criticised in the field of political economy, insofar as it is contended that they are impostures lacking authenticity. Thus, 45 campaigns were analysed to determine the characteristics of brand activism in this new socio-political context. From the results it follows that this activist practice, of Anglo-Saxon origin, is a relevant trend in political communication because it aligns individual identity, the management of public assets and corporate action in the political sphere.

Corporate influence in government is more than a national issue; it is an international phenomenon. For years, businesses have been infiltrating international legal processes. They secretly lobby lawmakers through front groups: "astroturf" imitations of grassroots organizations. But because this business lobbying is covert, it has been underappreciated in both the literature and the law. This Article unearths the "astroturf activism" phenomenon. It offers an original descriptive account that classifies modes of business access to international officials and identifies harms, then develops a critical analysis of the laws that regulate this access. I show that the perplexing set of access rules for aspiring international lobbyists creates the transparency problem I identify by prohibiting all but covert business access. I argue that the access rules have been rendered obsolete by globalization and fundamental changes in relationships between national governments and multinational business entities. To that historical critique, this Article adds an efficiency account and an evaluation of the law's conceptual coherence that draws from pluralistic theory. The analysis gives rise to two potential avenues for reform. One proposal would require enhanced disclosures, and the other would offer formal access to business entities, engaging business input but also exposing it. Either potential reform would update the law to better accommodate contemporary business roles in international governance. The stakes, I show, are high. On the one hand, business can offer lawmakers expertise and politically neutral solutions. On the other hand, unchecked business influence can obstruct and neutralize laws aimed at solving critical global problems.

This article analyzes the interaction between the digital (online) and physical (offline) activism of Front Harsien ODZ, a Maltese environmental movement organization. It looks into how Front activists perceive these forms of activism and verifies how important each form is to the organization. Consequently, the research presented herein is operationalized through interviews with Front activists and through participant observation from an insider's point of view. This article concludes that activists within Front Harsien ODZ feel that they are part of a social network. The organization's recruitment, mobilization and activism techniques are at once digital and physical. Most Front activists were already part of preexisting social networks before joining the Front, and the new Front network made good use of Malta's political opportunity structures, including the Zonqor controversy; Malta's small size; and the country's vibrant media landscape. ; peer-reviewed

Based on Dr Alison J Williams' research into the geographies of UK military airspaces, Nelly Ben Hayoun creatively implemented interviews conducted with a number of UK military pilots and navigators to uncover the hidden geographies of military airspaces through discussions on how these users perceive and imagine the complex geometries of the spaces through which they fly. At the heart of these interviews was a concern of whether they have an instinctual ability to generate three-dimensional images in their minds how this renders airspace as performed, with the mechanical and human elements of aviation enacting individual airspaces.

This paper traces our scholar-activist work with resident groups that arose in response to the redevelopment of a public housing estate in Sydney, Australia. Over the two-year period of our involvement, the groups' capacities to contest the redevelopment were gradually destabilised and neutralised by pressure from state actors and through intra-group tensions. In other words, the activism imploded and we were imbricated in that process. In this paper, we apply an autoethnographic method of 'writing-as-inquiry', which draws upon our correspondence with one another as data, to chart the challenges and possibilities for academics working within urban activism. Firstly, we are critical of ourselves for treading (too) carefully, which meant that we failed to challenge gendered, racialized and classed group hierarchies, and failed to support more radical and resistant positions to state authorities. Secondly, we highlight the power that individual actors can have to derail an activist group. Place-based activism necessarily means that people of varied political leanings and ideological dispositions will come together. It also means that people of diverse, and sometimes antagonistic personalities, will encounter one another. Thirdly, we point to the hostile and destructive context provided by the neoliberal city and, increasingly, the neoliberal university. We propose that when engaging in activism, academics should determinedly de-centre the self and centralise activist aims as they work to balance the objectives on both sides of the scholar-activist hyphen. We deliberate the role academics can play in mediating the conflicts that arise in activism, and the repercussions of such a direction, which inevitably means accepting the messiness of activism, and as Haraway has put it, 'staying with the trouble'.

Political activity is a telling behavior about a generation, influencing how policy makers in the U.S. do their jobs and how budgets are set. A generation without any political activity risks missing out on benefits from activity, while an active generation may help shape the institutions and traditions in a political culture. There are significant challenges to measuring individual political activity, and the question isn't simply "how politically active are you?" A tool traditionally used to address this challenge is a seven- point scale based on the correlation between an individual's party identification and political activism. This measurement allows polltakers to label themselves as strong or weak for either major party, independent leaning Republican/Democrat or truly independent. For a deeper look, scholars can gauge political activism by examining a number of sub-levels of activism, rather than relying simply on a seven-point scale. Social identity has become an important way to measure levels of partisanship and interest amongst the citizenry.

Since the 1970s, Buber has often been suspected of being a Volkish thinker. This essay reconsiders the affinity of Buber's late writings with Volkish ideology. It examines the allegations against Buber's Volkish thought in light of his later biblical and Hasidic writings. By illuminating the ideological affinity between these two modes of thought, the essay explains how Buber aims to depart from the dangers of myth without rejecting myth as such. I argue that Buber's relationship to myth can help us to explain his critique of nationalism. My basic argument is that in his struggle with hyper-nationalism, Buber follows the Baal Shem Tov and his struggle against Sabbateanism. Like the Besht, Buber does not reject myth, but seeks instead to repair it from within. Whereas hyper-nationalism uses myth to advance its political goals, Buber seeks to reposition ethics within a mythic framework. I view Buber's exegesis and commentaries on biblical and Hasidic myths as myth-activism.

This paper hypothesizes that country poverty is negatively associated with the civic activism of its citizens. It employs cross country regression analysis to test the proposition. In general, the findings of the paper lend support to the contention that greater civic activism leads to reduced poverty.Poverty is a worldwide problem. One of the possible ways that pressure can be brought to bear to change a countrys policies, institutions, attitudes, and beliefs is through civic activism and protest. Without expressed discontent, the status quo tends to prevail. A large part of the civil rights legislation enacted in the U.S. is the product of the intense civic engagement.The purpose of this paper is to empirically investigate whether civic activism is consequential for poverty. Specifically, it is posited that poverty is inversely related to civic activism, with greater civic activism leading to reduced poverty.The paper is divided into five sections. The first section of the paper consists of a small literature review that highlights some of the recent findings regarding variables that might explain poverty. The second section provides a little model that focuses on civic activism as a potential determinant of poverty. The third section discusses the variables that are used in the empirical section, assigns variable names to these variables, and identifies their sources. The fourth section presents, and subsequently analyzes, the results of cross country regressions of poverty on civic activism. Finally, the fifth section finishes up by providing a brief conclusion

The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries.

The digital turn might as well be marked as an Asian turn. From flash-mobs in Taiwan to feminist mobilisations in India, from hybrid media strategies of Syrian activists to cultural protests in Thailand, we see the emergence of political acts that transform the citizen from being a beneficiary of change to becoming an agent of change. In co-shaping these changes, what the digital shall be used for, and what its consequences will be, are both up for speculation and negotiation. Digital Activism in Asia marks a particular shift where these questions are no longer being refracted through the ICT4D logic, or the West's attempts to save Asia from itself, but shaped by multiplicity, unevenness, and urgencies of digital sites and users in Asia. This reader crowd-sources critical tools, concepts, analyses, and annotations, self-identified by a network of change makers in Asia as important in their own practices within their own contexts. ; Nishant Shah: Foreword Denisse Albornoz: From Taboo to Beautiful. Menstrupedia Esra'a Al Shafei: Keeping Our Voices Loud. The Evolution of CrowdVoice.org Maesy Angelina: Digital Natives' Alternative Approach to Social Change Sumandro Chattapadhya: We Come from an Activist Background. An Interview with Htaike Htaike Aung, MIDO Anat Ben-David: Digital Natives and the Return of the Local Cause Sumandro Chattapadhyay: Greatfire.org Tracey Cheng: Taiwan's Sunflower Protest. Digital Anatomy of a Movement Armand Hurault: Digital Revolution in Reverse. Syria's Media Diversifies Offline Rachel Jolley: India Calling Youngmi Kim: Digital Populism in South Korea? Internet Culture and the Trouble with Direct Participation Merlyna Lim: Many Clicks but Little Sticks: Social Media Activism in Indonesia Subhashish Panigrahi: Rising Voices. Indigenous Language Digital Activism Prabhas Pokharel: Towards 2 Way Participation Urvashi Sarkar: Wikipedia, Bhanwari Devi and the Need for an Alert Feminist Public YiPing (Zona) Tsou: Digital Natives in the Name of a Cause. From "Flash Mob" to "Human Flesh Search" Hu Yong: Three Forces Acting behind the Development of the Internet Huma Yusuf: Old and New Media. Converging During the Pakistan Emergency (March 2007 – February 2008) Weiyu Zhang: Redefining Youth Activism through Digital Technology in Singapore

This Essay, written for a symposium asking "Is the Rational Basis Test Unconstitutional?,†defends the bifurcated-scrutiny approach of Carolene Products and its famous footnote four. A growing cadre of conservative and libertarian scholars has called for increased scrutiny of legislation affecting economic rights. The Essay marshals four types of arguments to suggest that regulation of market activities should not be subject to the same, heightened, level of scrutiny as legislation affecting personal rights: moral arguments, constitutive arguments, consequentialist arguments, and arguments resting on the likelihood of illicit legislative motives.

The hashtag (#) has an important role in gathering Internet users' support for opinion and value. Computational propaganda has an important role in hashtag activism. This study wants to examine the role of computational propaganda actors such as anonymous political accounts, fake accounts and bot in social media that is able to mobilize the public and also increase the impression of Twitter audiences. The trend of Twitter hashtag activism #BebaskanIBHRS and #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI began with the arrest of the chairman of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) Habib Rizieq Shihab (HRS); the two trending hashtags massively influenced public opinion on Twitter on December 13-14 2020. This study uses a sample of 1000 tweets or conversations on each hashtags and uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) with the Netlytic tool which is able to provide quantitative values of communication networks, through the social network structure of #BebaskaniBHRS and #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI. This study reveals how the network structure and what factors are carried out by anonymous political actors in carrying out computational propaganda. The results of this study reveal the hashtags activism #BebaskaniBHRS is much more capable of mobilizing the public and is able to generate greater impressions than #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI. This is because #BebaskaniBHRS has a computational propaganda message in the form of a loaded language with a clear frame and the choice of words directly invites the Twitter public to get involved through a retweet another finding in this research shows computational propaganda movement in hashtag activism was carried out by large groups consisting of anonymous accounts and bot accounts on other side online media coverage about the trending of these hashtag's activism was also able to increasing public attention. Tagar (#) memiliki peran penting dalam mengumpulkan dukungan pengguna Internet terhadap suatu opini dan nilai. Komputasi propaganda memiliki peran penting dalam aktivisme tagar. Penelitian ini ingin mengkaji peran aktor komputasi propaganda seperti akun anonim politik, akun palsu dan bot di media sosial yang mampu memobilisasi publik dan juga meningkatkan kesan khalayak Twitter. Tren aktivisme tagar Twitter #BebaskanIBHRS dan #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI dimulai dengan penangkapan ketua Front Pembela Islam (FPI) Habib Rizieq Shihab (HRS); kedua tagar yang sedang trending tersebut secara masif memengaruhi opini publik di Twitter pada 13-14 Desember 2020. Penelitian ini menggunakan sampel 1000 tweet atau percakapan pada masing-masing tagar serta menggunakan Social Network Analysis (SNA) dengan alat Netlytic yang mampu memberikan nilai kuantitatif jaringan komunikasi. Melalui struktur jejaring sosial #BebaskaniBHRS dan #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI, kajian ini mengungkap seperti apa struktur jaringan komunikasi dan hal apa saja yang dilakukan oleh aktor politik anonim dalam melakukan komputasi propaganda. Hasil penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa aktivisme tagar #BebaskaniBHRS jauh lebih mampu memobilisasi publik dan mampu menghasilkan impresi yang lebih besar dibandingkan #NegaraDamaiTanpaFPI. Hal ini dikarenakan #BebaskaniBHRS memiliki pesan komputasi propaganda dalam bentuk bahasa yang sarat dengan bingkai yang jelas dan pilihan kata secara langsung mengajak publik Twitter untuk terlibat melalui retweet.Temuan lain dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan gerakan komputasi propaganda dalam aktivisme tagar dilakukan oleh kelompok besar yang terdiri dari akun anonim dan akun bot di sisi lain liputan media daring tentang tren aktivisme tagar ini juga mampu meningkatkan atensi publik.

The digital turn might as well be marked as an Asian turn. From flash-mobs in Taiwan to feminist mobilisations in India, from hybrid media strategies of Syrian activists to cultural protests in Thailand, we see the emergence of political acts that transform the citizen from being a beneficiary of change to becoming an agent of change. In co-shaping these changes, what the digital shall be used for, and what its consequences will be, are both up for speculation and negotiation. Digital Activism in Asia marks a particular shift where these questions are no longer being refracted through the ICT4D logic, or the West's attempts to save Asia from itself, but shaped by multiplicity, unevenness, and urgencies of digital sites and users in Asia. This reader crowd-sources critical tools, concepts, analyses, and annotations, self-identified by a network of change makers in Asia as important in their own practices within their own contexts.

AbstractHow do we conceptualize social and political transformation? What possibilities arise for our political imaginings when we examine the approaches and orientations of activist practice in the everyday? Using queer and affect theory, I examine dualistic thinking in social movement practices to propose a model for thinking about the ethics of solidarity in practice. I consider this model of solidarity though the texture of activism and by examining the everyday practices of solidarity in the queer Palestine movement.Résumé De quelle façon concevons-nous la transformation sociale et politique? Quelles possibilités s'offrent à notre imagination politique lorsque nous examinons les approches et les orientations de l'activisme au quotidien? À l'aide de la théorie queer et de la théorie des affects, j'examine la pensée dualiste dans les pratiques des mouvements sociaux afin de proposer un modèle d'examen de l'éthique de la solidarité dans la pratique. Je considère ce modèle de solidarité selon la texture de l'activisme et en examinant les pratiques quotidiennes de la solidarité du mouvement queer palestinien.

Judicial Activism is a powerful weapon, which the judges have to wield to Sub serves the ends of justice by making the law responsive to the felt necessities of the changing times. The scope of judicial activism varies with the courts power of Judicial Review. The judicial activism is use of judicial power to articulate and enforce what is beneficial for the society in general and people at large. Supreme Court despite its constitutional Limitation has come up with flying colors as a champion of justice in the true sense of The word .JUSTICE…this seven letter word is one of the most debated one sin the entire English dictionary. With the entire world population being linked to it, there is no doubt about the fact that with changing tongues the definition does change. The judicial activism has touched almost every aspect of life in India to do positive justice and in the process has gone beyond, what is prescribed by law or written in black and white. This article covers definition, Theories of judicial activism, development of Judicial Activism in India, Judicial Activism in various periods.