Suchergebnisse

Le discours birman sur le non-alignement peut s'organiser autour de trois themes: la position originelle de Rangoon qui illustre la vision birmane de la scene internationale a la suite de la decolonisation: c'est la vision de U Nu, puis de U Thant. Le second theme traduit l'intransigeance de la Birmanie sur les principes, mais il est aussi l'intransigeance de la faiblesse. Le refus de reintegrer le mouvement apres 1962 constitue le troisieme theme. (Internat. Political Science Association)

Pierre Voillery, Russophilie ou francophilie dans la Renaissance bulgare ? A propos d'un « activiste de la Renaissance bulgare ». L' autobiographie ď Alexandre Exarh. 1810-1891.
Né au début du XIXe siècle à Eski Zaara (Bulgarie ottomane), Alexandre Stoilov Bey Oglou Exarhos eut une vie exactement inscrite dans son siècle. Personnage central de la Renaissance bulgare, il fut l'un des pères fondateurs de la Bulgarie indépendante. Son activité nous était connue jusqu'à présent par des témoignages indirects ou parcellaires et par le fonds d'archives, incomplet, déposé à Sofia. Le texte inédit présenté ici dans son intégralité est son autobiographie manuscrite. Son intérêt est fondamental pour l'histoire bulgare et pour l'histoire ottomane. Ce récit, qui contribue à l'élargissement des recherches sur ce personnage, offre un exemple rare de témoignage vécu provenant d'un notable bulgare chrétien ottoman du XIXe siècle, en même temps qu'il apporte une vision nouvelle des événements qui se passèrent, à cette époque, en Roumélie.

An analysis of the Wallon stereotype of the Flemish population is attempted by considering stock phrases & tags expressing the relationships between the two populations. The study of folk traditions holds many problems for historians concerning the research & critical use of complex documentation: (1) oral tradition (popular phrases, songs, by-words, interviews), (2) French & dialectal literature (novels, dramatic works, satirical writings), (3) newspapers. Some typical Fleming presentations are described: the peddler, the play character, the political activist, the peasant, the agricultural worker, & the industrial worker. These presentations usually emphasize the dull-witted & rough aspects of Fleming people. The rise of these stereotypes seems to stem from the social & cultural position of many Flemish immigrants in the Walloon territory. Modified HA.

Le maintien de l'armée syrienne au Liban, devenue illégale, démontre la volonté de la Syrie d'exercer sa tutelle sur son voisin dont elle ne reconnaît pas l'indépendance. Pour justifier cette politique, les dirigeants de Damas invoquent — outre leurs intérêts stratégiques — des liens historiques, sociologiques, entre les deux peuples. Et ils s'appuient sur l'idéologie de la Grande-Syrie prônée par Antoun Saadé. Or, si le Liban a toujours eu un statut particulier, autonome, au Proche-Orient, la Syrie n'a, jusqu'en 1920, jamais existé en tant qu'entité politique. A propos du Liban, les accords Sykes-Picot (1916) puis le mandat (1922) ne font que consacrer une réalité historique (le Grand Liban) et sociologique (pays de refuge pour les minorités de la région). La Syrie actuelle est dirigée par la minorité alaouite qui, jusqu'en 1946, a refusé son incorporation mais qui, pour légitimer son pouvoir sur la majorité sunnite, conduit une politique activiste sur les plans régional et international. Mais n'est-on pas à la veille d'un remodelage général des frontières du Proche-Orient ?

Pierre Voillery, Un centre bulgare antirusse à Paris. 1836-1846.
Entre 1836 et 1846, un groupe homogène de sujets bulgares ottomans se constitue à Paris autour d'Alexandre Exarh. Il compte au moins 21 membres, issus pour la grande majorité d'entre eux du milieu des notables bulgares à l'origine de la Renaissance nationale de ce peuple. Tous proviennent des villes de Bulgarie centrale, étudient soit le droit, soit la médecine. Politiquement, un seul d'entre eux est explicitement russophile, les autres sont partisans du prince Czartoryski, refusant La russification de La Renaissance, qui n'est alors que la recherche confuse d'une définition nationale au sein du modèle ottoman. Etendue à l'ensemble des "activistes" de La Renaissance, dont le nombre total est, en définitive, faible - 191 Bulgares suivent des études supérieures entre 1835 et 1878, quelques centaines participent activement au mouvement -, une telle analyse permettrait de mieux définir la Renaissance bulgare, avec ses luttes internes, ses rivalités individuelles, ses contradictions politiques et, finalement, son identité réelle.

Latin America: The French Dilemma, by Michel Tatu
For the French Left, whose tradition incorporates both Marxist and Christian ideas, Latin America is an area of special interest both ideologically and in terms of political contact. For François Mitterrand, "rapprochement" with activist and revolutionary movements is a double investment, serving both French and general Western interests. Someone who has succeeded in making the French Communist Party a docile satellite may well judge himself "stronger than Communism". Since the elections in El Salvador, however, the Socialist Party and the French Government have adopted a low profile with regard to Central America. A reexamination is required of a policy which satisfies neither the left or centre of the political spectrum. The importance of correctly assessing when a movement has become "irrecuperably communist" was traumatically demonstrated in Vietnam. It is also necessary to judge whether it is more important to maintain good relations with particular revolutionary movements or with Latin America as a whole. French support for the United Kingdom in the Falkland conflict can only destroy what little has been built up by the new policies in Central America.

The Liberated Woman in the Soviet Fiction of the 1920's.
The Russian woman liberated by the Revolution played an important role in the Soviet literature of the 1920's. Her equal rights were a fait accompli but her difficulties were not over, because she still had to learn how to use her new freedom. Peasant and proletarian women, stultified by the misery of their pre-revolutionary life, were slow to "awaken", but the few hardy pioneers who did, were enthusiastically portrayed by the fiction of the period. These fictional heroines took in stride the difficult economic postwar conditions, unhesitatingly assumed social and political duties, and accepted new attitudes towards old-fashioned morals and domesticity. Dasha Chumalova, the protagonist of Gladkov's Cement (1925), became the standardbearer of the liberated women of the 1920's.
The young women from the intelligentsia faced a different set of problems and found their solution more complicated. Students, party activists, occasionally factory workers, living on meager incomes, they uncomplainingly carried their load of manifold social and professional duties. But, strict conformity to a new ethical code demanded by young zealots of Marxism, deprived these allegedly liberated women of personal freedom. "Free love" became almost obligatory, domesticity was branded as "bourgeois prejudice". Desoriented, frustrated in their femininity, many a heroine came to a tragic end. Not until the advent of Socialist Realism did the Soviet fictional heroine emerge as a happy and free builder of Socialism.

L'expansionnisme libyen : Machrek, Maghreb et Afrique noire, par Arnold Hottinger
Héritier d'une génération qui voulait contribuer au développement du mouvement panarabe, le jeune officier Kadhafi, devenu chef de l'Etat libyen en 1969, avait pour idée directrice de toute son action : rejoindre le président Nasser et réaliser entre l'Egypte et la Libye une fusion qui revêtirait une portée symbolique. Même après la mort de Nasser, il persévérera dans cette tentative, essayant même de forcer la décision du président Sadate. Les divergences d'objectifs entre les deux hommes entraînèrent un changement total dans la politique de Kadhafî, désireux désormais d'agir de façon indépendante, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur. Sur le plan intérieur, la transformation révolutionnaire de la société allait être confiée en 1976 à des comités révolutionnaires, police politique, répressive et activiste, entièrement dévouée au chef de l'Etat. Sur le plan international, tout en continuant à rechercher l'union avec les Etats voisins, la Libye s'est orien tée vers le soutien aux mouvements de libération ou d'opposition, soutien qui s'est traduit par la création de camps d'entraînement en territoire libyen et par la fourniture d'armes et d'argent. Le but de la politique de Kadhafi reste de regrouper les Etats du Maghreb et de lutter contre Israël. Un régime égyptien fort constitue un obstacle de taille à cette politique. Les projets actuels de fusion avec le Tchad s'inscrivent dans cette stratégie globale d'encerclement. Mais, à aller vers le Sud, Kadhafi risque de connaître des échecs, d'autant plus que cette politique d'aventure commence à être fortement contestée par l'opinion publique intérieure.

Towards the Co-existence of Ethnic and Significant Religious Groups. (The Genesis of the Multi-National "Islamic" Socialist Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.)
This study takes the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina as starting point for an examination of the various national, religious, social and political factors whose complexities and inter-relationships are particularly important in the context of developing countries such as Yugoslavia. The author also refers to sub-Carpathian Ukraine, and observes how, in these multi-national and multi-religious regions, ethnic and religious factors go hand in hand.
In the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, religion is the basis of the quasi-nationality represented by the Moslem community. Having examined the growth of this group prior to the Second World War, the author goes on to analyse the part played by the war in the creation of a separate community. While the broad mass of the Moslem group may have remained more or less in a state of expectant passivity, there emerged an élite within the party, the armed resistance and the activists for socialist workers competition after the revolution. Identifying themselves as a Moslem entity within the nation, this group thereby signified their mistrust of the other two main groups (orthodox Serbs and catholic Croats), their national pride bolstered and their collective advancement encouraged by the liberal attitude of the Party, and then of the State, towards their aspirations, both on the national question and on socio-economic matters (self-management) and individual freedoms. This atmosphere encourages differentiation within the Moslem community, between strict believers and liberals, clerical and secular. A greater degree of ideological and political tolerance would help to create better lines of communication among the three communities, and might lessen the danger of a spread of theocratic or Khomeini-like enthusiasms among the Moslems.

Adhérents et dirigeants du centre démocrate, par Colette Ysmal
A partir d'une enquête par questionnaire réalisée en janvier 1970 par le mouvement auprès de sa base, cet article esquisse une sociologie des adhérents du Centre démocrate et une analyse de la nature du parti. Celui-ci apparaît ainsi comme une organisation figée qui ne se renouvelle pas beaucoup et vers laquelle ne se dirigent que peu de jeunes. Le meilleur ciment de la formation demeure le facteur religieux et il s'avère que le Centre démocrate est un parti de catholiques pratiquants, venant retrouver là la tradition démocrate-chrétienne. Mais le Centre démocrate n'est pas, à la différence du MRP, un parti "populaire". Les ouvriers, les employés y sont peu nombreux, les salariés agricoles absents. En revanche, le parti apparaît comme le point de rencontre de la haute bourgeoisie (industriels, cadres supérieurs, membres des professions libérales) et des classes moyennes (artisans, commerçants, techniciens et cadres moyens).
[Revue française de science politique XXII (1), février 1972, pp. 77-88] MILITANTS AND LEADERS OF THE CENTRE MOCRATE COLETTE YSMAL Working on survey of the rank and file made in January 1970 by the movement this article sketches sociology of the activists of the Centre démocrate and an analysis of the nature of the party The Centre démocrate turns out to be incapable of renewing itself much and of attracting many young people Religion remains the best cement of the formation and the Centre démocrate proves to be party of church-going Roman Catholics who find in it the Christian-Democrat tradition But unlike the MRP the Centre démocrate is not popular party few workers and clerks no agricultural wage-earners Conversely the party appears as the meeting-point of the upper bourgeoisie manufacturers senior executives members of the and the middle classes artisans shop-keepers technicians and junior executives) Revue -fran aise de science politique XXII 1) février 1972 pp 77-88

Participation and Conflicts in Labor relations of the Socialist World.
The article consists of three parts. The first describes the Soviet trade-unions : their organization and working principles on the local, regional and federal levels. The functional duality of the trade-unions — transmittal of governmental decisions on the one hand and defense of professional interests on the other — is also studied.
The second part describes the participation of workers. It treats the trade-union organs (workers assemblies and production committees) and the collective agreements. One form which participation takes is cooperation in the production process at the time when production and investment plans are being elaborated. Cooperation is achieved by means of « activists » who are nominated by the trade-union. Participation in labour legislation is primarily concerned with resolving wage problems and with defining labour conditions and social benefits. Trade-unions contribute likewise to the education of their workers. This is done by means of publications, cultural establishments and the organization of civil services (committees for juvenile delinquents, civil « militia » and peoples courts).
In the third part, a distinction is made between external and internal conflits. External conflicts are caused by political involvment of top trade-union management, by internal competition within the trade-union management and by trade-union intervention in the field of social work. Labour legislation and employment problems likewise contribute to tension. Internal conflicts stem from problems related to remuneration, from lack of respect by the management for the prerogatives of trade-unions and from the general social climate within the enterprise.
The author concludes that tensions in labour relations cannot be avoided in the Soviet Union, but that the propensity for strikes is reduced for a variety of reasons. Amongst these he cites two. Namely, possibility to change place of employment and significant wage increases.
Soviet trade-unions must be regarded from the perspective of the socialist enterprise and from the kinds of « participatory struggles » revealed by sociological studies which have been made on industrial relations.

A day-by-day account is given of the events of May & Jun, 1968, in France. The student uprisings at Nanterre & at the Sorbonne are discussed, & the role of the 3 major student leaders is analyzed: G. Cohn-Bendit, student at Nanterre; Sauvageot, Vice-President of the Nat'l Union of French Students (UNEF); & A. Geisman, Secretary of the Nat'l Syndicate of Higher Educ (SNES-SUP). The effects of police action at the Sorbonne brought French labor unions to join a general strike on May 13. On May 24, C. de Gaulle announced that a referendum would be held on Jun 13 to establish gov'al participation with the U's & with industry. Negotiations with Grenell, the Minister of Labor, were set up & held on May 27. An agreement was reached with the labor unions. After this meeting, a rally was called at Charlety Stadium by the student activists to create a new revolutionary force between workers & students. The workers' groups, however, organized demonstrations elsewhere to keep their members from the student rally. A rivalry began to develop between the 2 groups. On May 30, de Gaulle returned to the scene. He announced that he would not resign, that he had dissolved the Nat'l Assembly, that the referendum had been called off, & he pledged to maintain order in any way necessary. A large demonstration followed his speech. Labor unions began to settle with the gov, & public services began to function again. The leaders of the UNEF attempted to force the workers to continue the strike, to overthrow the leadership of the CGT, & to fight the French Communist Party. 'Action Committees' were started in several places in Paris, uniting students, workers, & teachers. 'Action Committees for a Popular Government' were begun by the CGT & the PC in reaction to the student committees. At the election of the new Nat'l Assembly, the Gaullists were returned to power with a larger majority than they had enjoyed before. An analysis of the strength & weakness of the French labor movement is made, & comparisons are drawn with the strikes of 1936. The weakness is seen as a result of the pluralistic nature of French unionism, & as a result of the close alliance with the French Communist Party which acted inconsistently in this struggle. It is also seen as a result of the structure of the labor union movement itself. The problem of COMM between workers & intellectuals must be solved & an alliance formed on the basis of unionism. C. Zeitz.