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自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...

自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

本論文旨在探討香港青年參與社會運動的動機。近年,香港社會掀起青年積極參與社會運動的浪潮。學民思潮是最顯著的例子,這個由中學生組成的青年政治組織,於2012年發起了反對特區政府設立德育及國民教育科的社會運動。他們認為該科目有意向青年灌輸「洗腦式」的愛國教育,「反國教運動」成功動員近十二萬名市民包圍政府總部,最終驅使當局撤回方案。 ; 本論文與21位學民思潮的核心成員進行深入訪談,探討近年青年積極參與社會運動的原因。本論文旨在剖析曾被視為「政治冷感」的香港青年,在社會抗爭過程中扮演愈趨重要的角色之箇中原因。 ; 借用雲‧斯特克倫博赫和蓋德曼斯 (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans)提出的社會運動參與的雙路徑模式 (dual pathway model to protest),我們採用了社會心理學的理論以分析青年參與社會運動的動機及心路歷程。研究發現,青年抗爭者可歸納為兩大類:(1) 能動者類別,這類青年具政治能動性,採取工具性/ 社會社會鑲嵌的路徑參與社會運動﹔(2) 不滿類別,這類青年欠缺政治能動性,對政治抱懷疑態度,採取不滿路徑參與社會運動。本研究認為,在兩類的青年中,集體身體認同都對其社會運動參與扮演身重要角色,而對推動不滿類別,欠缺政治能動性的青年的影響至關重要。 ; Hong Kong has experienced an unprecedentedly high level of youth activism against government policy changes in recent years. The most prominent example is "Scholarism," a movement that was founded by secondary students that orchestrated a remarkable campaign against the government's proposal to establish the Moral and National Education curriculum in 2012. At one point, Scholarism activists claimed to have mobilized nearly 120,000 citizens in an "occupation" of government headquarters for ten days. They eventually forced the government to withdraw its proposal of what the Scholarists regarded as "brainwashing patriotic education." ; The present study is based on in-depth interviews with 21 core members of Scholarism movement, to examine the apparent "dawn" of youth political activism in Hong Kong. This thesis intends to solve the riddle of how young people in Hong Kong, who had been depicted as "political apathetic," were playing an increasingly significant role in social protest. ; Drawing on van Stekelenburg and Klandermans's dual pathway model of protest, the social psychological explanation is applied to understanding the motivational dynamics behind Scholarism. The main argument is that youth activists in Hong Kong can be categorized into two main clusters, which take two distinctive pathways to protest participation: (1) the efficacy cluster, which is steered by a sense of political efficacy and which follows the social instrumental/embeddedness pathway (in ...

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

田漢(1898-1968)是中國現代文學的重要劇作家之一。他亦以電影劇本作家、戲曲作家、詩人、小說家、散文家、翻譯家、歌詞作家、文學評論家和社會活動家知名於世。田漢雖在文學史上有著舉足輕重的地位,其研究卻長期受到政治因素制約。新時期以來,田漢研究轉趨活躍,但論者多從比較文學的角度分析其作品。本論文希望從田漢在日本大正時期留學的經歷,考察其早期藝術生命之形成。 ; 大正時期,日本在經濟、文化、社會價值觀各方面都有著激烈變動,「兩性解放」為其時代精神,「新女性」的話題非常盛行。論者雖然大多留意到女性角色和婚戀議題在田漢早期作品的重要,但甚少提及田漢留日時期的經歷與其作品的關係。田漢是中國留日學生,早在日本時期即已開展話劇創作。除對外國文學的接受外,田漢實際上亦受到日本化的西方思想、運動和生活方式,例如女性解放理論、劇場運動和咖啡店文化所影響,而這些影響更以不同方式滲透到其早期作品中。本論文旨在闡述這些因素在田漢早期創作生命中所起的作用,尤其是他對女性和婚戀議題的思考和取態。本論文的研究範圍涵括田漢在二十世紀二十年代的整個創作歷程。 ; 本論文共分五章,內容如下:第一章為導論,簡介田漢研究的情況、本論文的研究範圍、目的和方法。第二章至第四章討論大正時期不同的社會文化因素與田漢早期作品的關係。第二章考察田漢早期作品對日本大正時期女性解放理論的接受和轉化,以及田漢對當時社會戀愛事件的評價。第三章闡述藝術座的新劇運動,以及其創立人島村抱月和松井須磨子的戀愛事跡對田漢早期創作生命的影響。第四章從大正時代的咖啡店文化出發,分析田漢一系列不同文類、以咖啡店女侍為主角的早期作品。第五章為總結。 ; Tian Han (1898-1968) is one of the most prominent dramatists of modern Chinese literature. He is also renowned as a film scriptwriter, xiqu (traditional Chinese drama) writer, poet, novelist, proser, translator, lyricist, literary critic and social activist. Nevertheless, the study of Tian had long been at a standstill due to political reasons. Since the 1980s, most of the researches have been conducted from the approach of comparative literature. This thesis, however, traces the development of Tian's literary life by examining his experiences in Japan during the Taisho Period. ; During the Taisho Period, Japan experienced tremendous changes in economy, culture and social values, with "sex liberation considered as the zeitgeist and "new women as a popular issue. Many scholars have discussed the significance of female characters and the theme of "love and marriage in Tian's early works, but they seldom mentioned the influences by Tian's experiences in Japan. Tian, as a returned Chinese student, had started his playwright career in Japan. Apart from the reception of western literature, Tian was also influenced by the "Japanized western thoughts, movements and lifestyle, such as feminist theories, theatre movements and café culture, which had penetrated his early works in different ways. With the focus on Tian's literary works ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...