Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this dissertation is to present the significant achievements and activities of this chaplain in many areas of his life. He is not a person well known and has not gained a rightful place in the Polish historiography. The author of this dissertation attempted to analyze the role of chaplain in the functioning of the Polish Legions, the battle for Przemyśl and pastoral work in the Polish Army. Also considered the impact of the priest chaplain on the activities of the peasant movement, attempted to determine the degree of the impact of journalism Socio-political face of ideological and programmatic opposition government. The author did not omit the question of the position of chaplain in the structures of conspiracy Lvov under Soviet occupation.

Personal narrative as a way to express intersectional activism embodied in the Internet: the case of Eve C

The article looks at the intersectional performances of activist identity online. By tracing the work of Evelyn C., the article considers the position of emergent experts among the peer supporters and bloggers in online communities centred on perinatal mental health and breastfeeding. Through this, it seeks to explore the augmenting possibilities embodied in individual performances of complex activist identities for collective advancement of identity-based health-concerned activist groups.
Keywords: activism, maternal, mental health, embodied, intersectionality

The present volume aims at exploring the overall patterns of linguistic regionalism throughout Eastern Europe, casting also a comparative glance beyond this specific cultural setting into neighboring Western European regions. A wide array of aspects related to regional language designs are addressed, such as: linguistic rights, conflicting conceptualisations of linguistic regionalism, the role of the internet in identity modelling, the role of linguistics in language planning and research, etc. The volume is also designed to approach linguistic regionalism on a general theoretical level giving a critical assessment of Aleksandr Dulichenko's microlanguage paradigm. Case studies of individual projects as well as reports by regional language activist will provide the reader with glimpses of how regional language designs are set up and elaborated.

Freedom Union, a political formation which was created from the connection of the Democratic Union and the Liberal-Democratic Congress in spring 1994, was accused of being the continuation of DU's idea and the difference between DU and FU was a regulation in the party's statute which banned creating political factions. Conflicts among the members of the connected groups took place already during the first convention of the party. It turned out then, that there must be a place for various views on various themes in the party. The members were accused of switching to either left or right side of the political scene, for example through crypto-factions creation — Polish Liberal Group. As a result, party activists put forward a proposal to create Democratic Forum which main aim was to strengthen FU position on the political arena and to unify actions of the union members.

Freedom Union, a political formation which was created from the connection of the Democratic Union and the Liberal-Democratic Congress in spring 1994, was accused of being the continuation of DU's idea and the difference between DU and FU was a regulation in the party's statute which banned creating political factions. Conflicts among the members of the connected groups took place already during the first convention of the party. It turned out then, that there must be a place for various views on various themes in the party. The members were accused of switching to either left or right side of the political scene, for example through crypto-factions creation — Polish Liberal Group. As a result, party activists put forward a proposal to create Democratic Forum which main aim was to strengthen FU position on the political arena and to unify actions of the union members.

After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities. ; After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities.

After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities. ; After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities.

After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities. ; After the Peace Treaty of Riga had been signed, some Belarusian circles remained sceptical about the ensuing political situation and they planned to fight for the independent country. Similarly, the activists of Lithuanian national movement hoped that Vilnius, annexed by General L. Żeligowski, would be the capital city of their country. Thus, stirring up political and social unrest on North-Eastern territories of the Second Republic of Poland was in both Belarusian and Lithuanian interest. Thus, Lithuanians made Belarusian minority in Poland cooperate with them politically and militarily. Belarusian guerrilla groups, which were created so that they could participate in a future Polish-Lithuanian war, immediately started acts of sabotage. In Białystok and Hrodna Regions they attacked police stations, forester's lodges, manor houses and shops. Belarusian and Lithuanian armed forces did not, however, take any military actions together. On 15th March 1923 the Council of Ambassadors (of the League of Nations) recognised the demarcation line as the border between Poland and Lithuania. As a result, Lithuania stopped using Belarusian guerrilla groups to undermine the social and political order in Poland. Consequently, the sabotage units, deprived of Lithuanian military and political support, were eliminated by Polish authorities.

The pilot programmes, in which the large towns were to take over the duties and competence formerly belonging to the state administration, was designed by its creators to be a trial to assess the possibilities of the communities in the area of matters which, in the further stage of reform of public administration, were to be the responsibility of the Districts. After a period of more than one year of implementing this pilot programme it may be asserted that the towns satisfied the expectations of the reform promoters. Positive results were achieved thanks to the wholehearted involvement of the local political élite in the reform process. Quite often the reforming of public administration appeared rather as a bettie waged between rival state and local administrations, the former striving to retain its previous dominating position, the latter to broaden its influence and sphere of competence. This was the beginning of an ever widening process of decentralisation of state control and the consequent enhancing of the duties and powers of the territorial authorities of the larger towns. The authors of the successes scored in the pilot programmes were mainly the workers and activists from the local government institutions. It was they who pressed on, in the face of considerable difficulties, towards effective accomplishing of the tasks entrusted to them and consistently broadened the official competence of the local authority institutions. The local leaders were recruited from the ranks of the local government officials while the state administration workers specially declared their positive support for the principles of the pilot programme. Only about 11 % of the leaders adopted a negative or neutral stance towards reform. Advantages gained from the pilot programme concentrate on two areas. Firstly, the pilot scheme facilitates and speeds up satisfaction of communal needs by the introduction of organisational improvements. Secondly, it creates conditions for optimum exploitation of financial resources. The pilot scheme objectives favour the implementation of the social needs of the inhabitants and leaders of the community. These include: health care and social assistance and also education and upbringing. The scope of pilot scheme tasks agrees with the expectations of the inhabitants and represents a spontaneously decided local system of social needs. The process of taking over the pilot scheme tasks by the town local government authorities took place without any pressure being exerted from the state administration side. Empirical data indicate the curbing of the influence of the state administration in determining preferences and outlays from the local community budgets. The pilot scheme increases the potential for citizens' chances of influencing the process of management of public affairs. Local self government activists support the idea of active participation of individual citizens in the social and political life of the town. In practice, however, concentration of powers in the hands of the community authorities and offices limits the possibilities of participation in the local management process.

Most of the previous revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere were concentrated around two dimensions: reluctance to challenge abuses of power and the will to redirect the external trajectory. The Armenian Velvet Revolution marked the change of the axiology of revolution. Civil disobedience was only focused on the corrupt political system based on clientelism and patronage. It was not addressing any issues related to the international situation. In statements, activists avoided references to foreign policy and change of geopolitical direction. The purpose of the paper is to identify convergent and separate features characterizing the Velvet Revolution in comparison with breakthroughs classified as revolutions in the post-Soviet space after 1989. The research question is how the Armenian Velvet Revolution's features stand out from previous revolutionary changes of power in the post-Soviet space, and to what extent they are convergent. The theoretical framework is based on multi-dimensional academic reflection on the factors characterizing particular revolutionary waves in post-Soviet space. Using comparatively the rich achievements of study on the Autumn of Nations, Color Revolutions, and Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, this essay aims to inscribe the unique and modular factors characterizing the Armenian Velvet Revolution into a broader spectrum of theoretical and practical considerations on political breakthroughs in post-Soviet space.

The Institute for Scholarly Research on Eastern Europe in Wilno functioned from 1930 to 1939. It was established on the initiative of Stefan Ehrenkreutz and other professors of the Department of Law and Social Sciences at Stefan Batory University in Wilno. A Higher School of Political Science was established at the same time as the Institute. Members of the Institute consisted of notable Polish scholars, writers, journalists along with social and political activists. The Institute's purpose was to conduct research on economic, cultural, social and political questions, to research the formation of government structures in the lands between the Baltic and Black Seas, as well as to study the peoples of these lands and to propagate this knowledge. In this connection the Institute acquired impressive library collections of the newest literature on these topics. It organized public readings and presentations. It published two scholarly magazines, "The Yearbook of the Institute for Scholarly Research on Eastern Europe in Wilno" and "Balticoslavica", along with a series of books. It formed and maintained contacts with many scholars, institutions and academic associations both in Poland and abroad. In the relative short period of time during which it operated, the Institute became an important scholarly center and made a significant contribution to the research of events, politics, culture and the economies of neighboring countries.