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There is a gap between being an architecture student in western countries and working as an architect in underrepresented communities. Architect Teddy Cruz defines the role of an activist architect as "expanded mode of practice", and the task of "deigning the protocols or the interfaces between communities and spaces". This thesis contends that architecture schools need to continue to embrace the widely-accepted norm of studios studying abroad and working in an international studio. Current study abroad programs tend to skew towards being touristic field trips and there is not a curriculum or programmatic investment in cultivating relationships between the visiting students, local schools, and the local people. Helping the local communities through sustainable architecture remains an afterthought. The Shenzhen Institute of Building Research hosted a building competition for low-carbon city development. The three participating research universities were Syracuse University, UC Berkeley, and TU Delft. The intended development site for the project is Pingdi, a small district in Shenzhen, China. This competition focuses primarily on the technical aspects of low-carbon sustainable development and not on building something useful and meaningful to the local inhabitants. The offical plan is to demolish the existing residential Hakka community along with other urban villages displacing local migrant workers. Despite the official declaration encouraging local participation, there was little to no local involvement and the competition participants were lacking the necessary information to build these projects and to fully understand the stakes of this type of sustainable building project. Sustainable architectural design should not just be limited to the technical it must also be grounded in the site. Architects need to understand the contexts generated by a multitude of economic, political, social, and cultural factors have to be reflected upon and incorporated into a series of design phases. This is not just a building, but a framework for all the different users; students (of architecture, engineering, citizenship and public affairs), local people (residents, and workers), industrial stakeholders where interactions among users are encouraged. Recognizing the valuable contributions from local inhabitants and business owners and including these people as prominent members of low-carbon sustainable development projects results in better design.

Daughter of Malaysian Prime Minister and socio-political activist Marina Mahathir, shares with DNA on her schooling days, her views on censorship, education system, leadership crisis, and religious movements. Her work in helping HIV-infected women has led her to seek larger democratic space for everyone.

Canada has a long history of religious unbelief. This paper offers a social historical survey of its organized, activist forms. The radical thought of the Enlightenment was imported in the late eighteenth century, which saw Voltairean deists like Fleury Mesplet criticizing the Catholic Church in the French-speaking colony of Lower Canada. A long tradition of anticlericalism followed in Quebec even though (or because) the Church was massively influential. The rest of Canada saw freethought and rationalist movements, often organized by working-class autodidacts, developing in the nineteenth century with American and British influences. This tradition continued into the first half of the twentieth century when secularists grappled with fundamentalism and the challenge of radical politics. After World War II the language of secular humanism was deployed and organizations were run by highly educated professionals instead. The position of activist unbelief began to change as Canada shifted from being one of the Western world's most religious countries to being one of the least in the latter half of the twentieth century. Unbelief became unremarkable, though the persistence of religion meant that the twenty-first century saw a revival of militant atheism. This survey shows that unbelief was never just a pure philosophical position but has always been shaped by the social status quo it evolved in or was opposing. Nor was opposition ever enough; activist unbelievers inevitably had to offer the undecided a vision of the secular world they were working towards, and this meant getting involved in some form of politics.

We analyze the consequences of activism in a regulated industry where the regulator has been captured by the industry. Unlike ordinary economic agents, activists are insensitive to monetary incentives. Moreover, they are less well informed than regulators and their actions generate dead-weight costs. Yet we find that activism may increase social welfare because it disciplines captured regulators and reduces the social cost of imperfect regulatory systems.

Nobel Peace Prize Nominee Chea Vannath fled Cambodia when the Khmer Rouge attempted to arrest her husband. She returned to her homeland 12 years later and began working to help heal her war-torn country. She speaks to DNA about life under the Khmer Rouge, her struggle to come to terms with what they had done to her homeland and what led her to work for the Khmer Rouge to be involved in the reconciliation process.

Review of: Censored 2014: Fearless Speech in Fateful Times, by Mickey Huff and Andy Lee Roth with Project Censored. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2013, 431pp. ISBN 978-1-60980-484-7From its provocative title to its inclusion of contributions from observers like John Pilger, Censored 2014 provides no space for a counter narrative to its criticism of what it calls the corporate or establishment media. Heroes abound but they aren't The New York Times or CNN. Instead we're told it's Bradley Manning, Glen Greenwald or Iceland who deserve praise rather than censure. The project feels there are three main stories which are routinely and deliberately ignored by existing media outlets: climate change, economic inequality and conflicts launched in the name of Empire. This last conclusion is one that goes uncontested even when chapters are devoted to how independent journalists are disparaged as conspiracy theorists by their mainstream rivals if they call attention to false flag terrorism, or demand full investigations into 9/11.

2 p. A typed list of students at the University of Oregon who were identified with activism and student movements on campus.

Myanmar democracy activist Ko Ko Gyi spent a total of 17 years in prison for his political beliefs. First detained for his involvement in student protests in 1989, he was eventually released in 2012, along with 600 others, when the military-led government began implementing reforms. Mr Ko Ko Gyi now champions democracy and human rights issues as General Secretary of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society. He was also a member of the government's Rakhine Investigation Commission to investigate the sectarian violence in Rakhine state. He speaks to DNA about the darkest days of his time in the infamous Insein Prison and what kept him going, as well as his hopes for the future of Myanmar.

Network societies are characterized by social media — media that are supposed to level out power hierarchies — making political participation more inclusive and equal. By developing a typology for studying networking power within activist demands in network societies, such techno–optimistic/deterministic assumptions are questioned. This typology is based on Bourdieu's conceptual framework of social fields, habitus and capitals. It revolves around participating, mobilising, connecting and engaging capital and how these intersect, overlap and are used for negotiating recognition which I argue is of pivotal importance for upholding core positions among activists. Such core positions are related to networking power, i.e., knowing how and being in a position to network in order to decide about courses of events in the organisation of the demand/social field and its actions. This largely theoretical account is exemplified from an ethno– and nethnographic study of a group of middle–class activists in southern Stockholm using online platforms in tandem with more traditional off–line activist activities to organise and mobilise participation.

Web videos play a crucial role in the political protests that mobilize today's civil society. Spread and shared across social media, they draw attention to a variety of issues, serve as evidence and, ultimately, as a call to action. In the attempt to win viewers' hearts and minds, various new film forms and practices are emerging in the networked spaces of the Web 2.0. These new types of videos actively engage their audience by inviting participation, and thus contribute to the formation of counterpublics and social movements. However, the power of web videos remains a contentious issue, as it is often associated with problems such as misuse, deception, 'clicktivism' or surveillance. The conference will bring together international researchers and activists to discuss the political aesthetics, strategies, and impact of these new lm forms – in short, the power of contemporary activist videos.For longer version please see www.videoactivism.net ; The Power of Activist Videos , conference, ICI Berlin, 12–13 May 2017

Brexit activists demonstrating outside the British Houses of Parliament were studied in situ to examine their potential for pro-group extreme behavior. This involved activists of two polarized, opposing views; those of Leave and Remain. The research engaged concepts linking the different theoretical perspectives of identity fusion and personal construct psychology. The study measured participants' degree of fusion to their group using a verbal measure. Willingness to undertake extreme acts was assessed in several ways: a measure of willingness to fight for the group, adaptations of the trolley dilemma and questions regarding political violence. Individual construing was examined using repertory grid technique and a semi-structured interview. Results were similar for both Leave and Remain participants. The majority of activists identified as "fused" to their group and, if so, were more likely to undertake hypothetical extreme behavior compared to those who did not identify as "fused." Repertory grid technique indicated that becoming an activist provided individuals with a clearer and more positive view of themselves. Opposition activists were construed more negatively and extremely than fellow activists, and this construal was associated with an increased willingness to undertake extreme pro-group behavior. This was consistent with the personal construct model of radicalization and was heightened in those who were "fused." Interview data provided support for the constructivist model and revealed characteristics and concerns of the two groups. Overall, the findings indicate that campaigning organizations contain fused individuals, who are more likely to undertake hypothetical pro-group violence including self-sacrifice. This has broader implications which may be particularly pertinent, given the violent impact of extremist activists around the globe.

This article proposes to reanalyse the artistic and critical practice of performance through the deconstruction and remediation of its 'virtual,' unsighted potentials. It argues that the ontological distinction between material and immaterial representation can be dislodged by the proposition of an ontogenenic dimension of affective transmission and recreation. Such recursive system of forces and energies elicits change and transformation expanding the sensual and aesthetic practice of performance as alive art.These arguments connect concepts from aesthetic and political theory with philosophical ideas of virtual multiplicity, relationality, counter/intuition and (dis)individuation passing via the work of Brian Massumi and Teresa Brennan as well as other theorists. The approach intersects methodologies and epistemologies from activist philosophy, science and art with the radical contingencies implicit in performance as a 'technology of aliveness' (in)formed by tendencies of distribution of affective intensities and temporal (re)modulation of shared perception.Ultimately, these formulations propose to reimagine performance as a synaesthetic archive of perceptive experience marked by a representational impossibility; a failure to appear fully. This actual condition of recurrent abstraction enables however a processual state of becoming, becoming-other, and being-becoming in related mo(ve)ments of pure aliveness.

Rabbi Solomon Jacobs, "of the assimilationist synagogue" (Holy Blossom, which represented mostly the old community of middle-class, English Jews), was accused of playing an "ugly role" during the 1910 strike of Toronto cloakmakers. According to Abe Kirzner, a prominent Yiddish-speaking trade unionist and socialist, the rabbi preached that "Jews must not rebel and that this [strike] is a disgrace in the eyes of the Gentiles." This is just one example of the conflicts that sometimes sharply divided Jewish communities in Canada. Our exploration of these issues in this paper is a tribute to Jerry Tulchinsky's broad and inclusive approach to Canadian Jewish history. His detailed survey of Jewish history examines both middle-class and working-class Jews, while his most recent book focuses on the life of Joe Salsberg, a prominent left-wing labour activist. In this paper, we draw on examples from Toronto, Montreal, and Winnipeg to explore the historical interplay of Jewish identity, class politics, and gender dynamics in the Jewish labour movement from the turn of the twentieth century to the Second World War and in the postwar human rights campaigns.

Dr Pung Chhiv Kek is the Founder and President of the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO) and was nominated in 2005 for the Nobel Peace Prize as part of the 1000 Women for the Nobel Peace Prize project. Apart from her work to improve the rights and lives of Cambodians, she talks to DNA about her efforts to bring Hun Sen and Sihanouk together for talks, which later led to the Peace Accords of 1991.

Activists have long justified their egalitarian organizational forms in prefigurative terms. Making decisions by consensus, decentralizing organization, and rotating leadership serves to model the radically democratic society that activists hope to bring into being. Our comparison of consensus-based decision-making in three historical periods, however, shows that activists have understood the purposes of prefiguration in very different ways. Whereas radical pacifists in the 1940s saw their cooperative organizations as sustaining movement stalwarts in a period of political repression, new left activists in the 1960s imagined that their radically democratic practices would be adopted by ever-widening circles. Along with the political conditions in which they have operated, activists' distinctive understandings of equality have also shaped the way they have made decisions. Our interviews with 30 leftist activists today reveal a view of decision-making as a place to work through inequalities that are informal, unacknowledged, and pervasive. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion