Suchergebnisse

In this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the authors argue that Malbin et al's "hydraulic" theory of money in political systems is exclusive of changes brought about by events such as the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) impacts on the tactics & structural forms of interest groups & advocacy organizations. Working from pre BCRA data as a baseline, & emphasizing the distinction between "pulled" money & "pushed money," the authors develop a conceptual framework that contextualizes the determinants of an organization's electoral behavior. Findings from an analytical comparison of pre BCRA & post BCRA hard & soft money contributions & media centered electioneering show changes in individual contributor behavior, & a move toward direct voter contact. To conclude, the authors reassessment of the data by type of organization finds the largest impact of BCRA in corporations & trade associations. 1 Table, 1 Figure. J. Harwell

Describes the development of nongovernmental organizations in Papua New Guinea (PNG) aimed at improving the citizenry's general lack of awareness of their civil, social, & political rights. Focus is on the Individual & Community Rights & Advocacy Forum (ICRAF), created in 1992, & its work in protecting & promoting the human rights of women. The ICRAF's efforts to achieve gender parity & social justice in a wide variety of domains are chronicled, including politics, legal services, economic assistance, employment, & protection from domestic violence. Links between the ICRAF & other organizations, eg, the PNG National Council of Women & PNG Women in Politics, in these pursuits are described, citing advocacy, networking, & grassroots activist activities. 9 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Describes the development of nongovernmental organizations in Papua New Guinea (PNG) aimed at improving the citizenry's general lack of awareness of their civil, social, & political rights. Focus is on the Individual & Community Rights & Advocacy Forum (ICRAF), created in 1992, & its work in protecting & promoting the human rights of women. The ICRAF's efforts to achieve gender parity & social justice in a wide variety of domains are chronicled, including politics, legal services, economic assistance, employment, & protection from domestic violence. Links between the ICRAF & other organizations, eg, the PNG National Council of Women & PNG Women in Politics, in these pursuits are described, citing advocacy, networking, & grassroots activist activities. 9 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Interest groups played an important role in influencing the results of competitive races in the 2002 elections. Five types of interest group activities in these elections are examined: disclosed & limited activities primarily from political action committees, soft money contributed to parties, independent expenditures not coordinated with campaigns, communications internal to the interest groups, & issue advocacy activities that avoid disclosure. Strategies used, primarily in competitive campaigns, by issue advocacy groups are discussed. Issue advocacy spending decreased in 2002 because of general economic trends & the channeling of money directly to parties. Interest groups that engage in issue advocacy & influence elections indirectly can organize under IRS codes 527 & 501(c). With the 2002 ban on party soft money in the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, interest group activity in the areas of independent expenditures & issue advocacy could expand. Tables. M. Pflum

This book builds on research conducted in 1998 & 2000. Since 1996, soft party money for candidates in competitive congressional elections has surged, because soft money contributed to election committees rather than candidates does not have the same spending limitations as hard money. At the same time, issue advocacy advertising grew to promote or attack specific candidates. The research in this book came from close monitoring of campaigns & noncandidate spending on radio & TV. 134 interviews with campaign elites were also conducted. In 2002, noncandidate spending in 26 competitive races across TV, radio, direct mail, & telephone campaigns exceeded candidate spending. The tone of these campaigns was generally negative. Differences between hard money, soft money, candidate vs. issue advocacy campaigns, voter participation in the 2002 election, & themes of the 2002 campaigns (economy, safety/security, social security, prescription drugs, & education) are examined. In addition, the articles & case studies in this book are summarized. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

In the wake of the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis, the Republican-controlled Congress was able to use the International Monetary Fund's need for capital to press for major reforms within that organization. The debate became more complicated when antiabortion advocates attempted to add antiabortion language to appropriation bills. In a showdown between the executive & legislative branches, Congress ultimately dropped the abortion language, but the issue of linking funding to abortion policy continues to surface in budgetary debates concerning international organizations.

Analyzes data from J. Howard Kauffman's 1989 survey of five Anabaptist denominations to determine the impact of clergy peace advocacy. Anabaptist churches are members of the "historic peace churches" that emphasize pacifist/nonresistant views. A model was designed that included variables likely to affect the degree to which pastors influence their parishioners' views on war. The results of multivariate regression indicated a pastor's views strongly influence those of the congregation whether the pastor was recently hired or if he/she had been in place for a long time. Persuasion effects also persisted when parishioners were permitted to choose a church based on the pastor's view of war although views of the congregation did not affect attitudes of the clergy. It is emphasized that a pastor's ability to influence the moral attitudes of parishioners does not necessarily imply an identical political orientation; however, there was a strong linkage between core values like pacifism, & preferences for specific foreign policy issues like US military involvement in other countries. Advocacy efforts of North American Anabaptists are described. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Analyzes data from J. Howard Kauffman's 1989 survey of five Anabaptist denominations to determine the impact of clergy peace advocacy. Anabaptist churches are members of the "historic peace churches" that emphasize pacifist/nonresistant views. A model was designed that included variables likely to affect the degree to which pastors influence their parishioners' views on war. The results of multivariate regression indicated a pastor's views strongly influence those of the congregation whether the pastor was recently hired or if he/she had been in place for a long time. Persuasion effects also persisted when parishioners were permitted to choose a church based on the pastor's view of war although views of the congregation did not affect attitudes of the clergy. It is emphasized that a pastor's ability to influence the moral attitudes of parishioners does not necessarily imply an identical political orientation; however, there was a strong linkage between core values like pacifism, & preferences for specific foreign policy issues like US military involvement in other countries. Advocacy efforts of North American Anabaptists are described. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Trade unions in Italy have displayed charitable & solidaristic action toward immigrants beyond traditional union activities & European Union ideology. Union service centers for foreigners have assisted in visa paperwork, searching for housing, & providing assistance with employment problems. Unions have employed some educated & politically engaged foreigners as operators in immigrant service centers, even if their nationality differed from those they served. Unions have protected immigrants without consideration for their employment & status as legal or illegal immigrants. By rough estimate, 100,000 foreigners were members of Italian trade unions at the end of 1994. Their widespread membership appears to stem from fear of being exploited or treated unfairly, rather than activist or militant attitudes. There is, however, a need for unions to be more aware of the specificity of immigrant social, economic, & working conditions & to transmit their needs into the bargaining process. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 16 References. L. A. Hoffman

Summarizes the book's analyses of political change in contemporary democracies. Institutional change in the three forms of democracy -- representative democracy, direct democracy, & advocacy democracy -- has resulted in expanded citizen access & participation in the political process. The changing relationship between citizens & the state is explored through examples from articles in the text. The effects of expanded direct democracy & advocacy democracy on state structure, the governing process, & government efficacy are appraised. 1 Table, 1 Figure. L. Collins Leigh