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AbstractThe Shi'i Lebanese diaspora in West Africa has played a key role in the construction of Lebanese Shi'i sectarian identity in the Twentieth century. This article provides some perspective and insight on the relationships among race, sect and colonialism in Africa and the Middle East through the lens of transnational Shi'i networks. Travel narratives written by Lebanese Shi'is who visited French West Africa during the 1930s indicate certain cultural hierarchies and racial modes of thinking. Moreover, some Lebanese internalised elements of colonial discourse while others, in a kind of inversion, re‐deployed them towards black Africans. These Lebanese travel diaries, therefore, constitute a unique primary source for the history of the Lebanese Shi'i mahjar (diaspora) in West Africa and its relationship with the watan (homeland); they also illuminate cultural hierarchies embedded in Shi'i consciousness. Such stereotypes about Africa have persisted well into the late 20th‐ and early 21st‐century in Lebanon.

The renaissance of studies of class in post-apartheid South Africa has not produced any certainty as to the optimal delineation of classes in empirical analysis. This paper uses data from a 2005 survey in Cape Town to examine the relationships between occupational (or objective) class, self-reported (or subjective) class, race, neighbourhood income and household income. Cape Town is not an industrial city, and thus has small working classes, but (like all South African cities) it does have high unemployment. There are clear relationships between race, education and occupational class (unsurprisingly, given the history of apartheid). The relationships between occupational class, incomes and self-reported class are less clear. The paper concludes with a preliminary analysis of some of the possible consequences of class, in terms of perceptions of the social structure and of government policy, and of racial identities and attitudes.

This article is a product of my associative thoughts on Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, my return to the city, and my position as park anthropologist at Jean Lafitte National Historical Park and Preserve, which includes the Chalmette Battlefield and National Cemetery. Fazendeville, or "the village" as it was known, was a historical African American community located on the site of the Battle of New Orleans, now Chalmette Battlefield, from 1867 to 1964. In 1999, the park undertook an oral history project on the community. As the anthropologist for the park, I wanted to reestablish contact with former residents or descendants who had been displaced as a result of the storms. It is my hope that the community's voices will not be lost in the floodwaters but will reemerge as determined and strong as they were once heard, singing "Wade in the Water" during the baptismal processions to the river.

Books reviewed:Stokes, Doug (2005) America's Other War: Terrorizing Colombia.Helmke, Gretchen (2005) Courts under Constraints: Judges, Generals, and Presidents in Argentina.Wood, Andrew Grant (ed.) (2004) On the Border: Society and Culture between the United States and Mexico.Ochoa, Gilda L. (2004) Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community: Power, Conflict and Solidarity.Yashar, Deborah J. (2005) Contesting Citizenship in Latin America: The Rise of Indigenous Movements and the Postliberal Challenge.Herrera, Robinson A. (2003). Natives, Europeans, and Africans in Sixteenth‐Century Santiago de Guatemala.Butler, Matthew (2004) Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–1929.Whitehead, Neil L. and Wright, Robin (eds) (2004) In Darkness and Secrecy: The Anthropology of Assault Sorcery and Witchcraft in Amazonia.Richard, Nelly (2004) The Insubordination of Signs: Political Change, Cultural Transformation and Poetics of the CrisisRichard, Nelly (2004) Masculine/Feminine: Practices of DifferenceSteven Palmer and Ivan Molina (eds) (2004). The Costa Rica Reader: History, Culture, Politics.

BEN FINE IS WELL KNOWN in Marxian and radical cirdes for his research, his teaching at Birkbeck College and SOAS, and his involvement with the CSE. A superficial look at Fine's publications gives the impression that his intellectual trajectory is badly fragmented. Fine seems to have abandoned his highly acclaimed (by Marxists) work on value theory in the mid-80s (especially Fine and Harris, 1979, and Fine 1980, 1982, 1986; see, however, Fine, 1989 (1st ed. 1975), 1990a, 1992a), in order to pursue a disparate collection of 'softer' themes such as the South African industrialisation (Fine and Rustomjee, 1997), the contemporary British economy (Fine and Harris, 1985), the history of the British coal industry (Fine, 1990b), female participation in the labour market (Fine, 1992b), and labour market theory and the political economy of food and consumption (in the books discussed below).

Describes how both neoliberals & conservatives in contemporary US politics have embraced a racial mythology of the welfare state, focusing on African Americans. The notion of universalistic, nonexclusive, or "color-blind" social policies is attacked, arguing that it neglects the long-standing link between race & social policy that lies at the core of the US welfare state. The history of such means-tested social policy is traced to the New Deal era of the 1930s, demonstrating their deleterious effects on black workers & their families. The racial stratification characteristic of this time continued & was especially evident in welfare policies; poor black mothers were doubly penalized by stereotypes based on race, class, & gender. It is concluded that policy reform alone will not change this situation; what is required are more radical transformations in the racist nature of the entire society. 1 Table, 2 Figures. K. H. Stewart

Bibliography: pages [156]-159. ; I have written this dissertation as an empirical study of the African National Congress' (ANC) 1994 election campaign in South Africa's Western Cape Province. Primarily, I address one overriding question: what are the principal reasons for and ramifications of the AN C's inability to win control of the province? I begin by exploring key factors concerning the history, demographics, electoral system and pre-campaign voter attitudes of the province that may have influenced how the party developed and implemented its strategy. I describe the evolution of the campaign, including strategic decisions made before and during its execution, and analyze the content of appeals to voters. I then assess the extent to which the above factors may have affected the campaign and examine the election results. I conclude by offering plausible implications of this case for future ANC campaigns in the Western Cape.

The mobilization of the population, and therefore, of the labor force was central to the ideology and the working of the colonial administration. The history of the emergence of a « demographic accountancy » in the administrative experience in French West Africa, with examples from Upper Volta, illustrates the will of administrators of all ranks in trying to better decipher population numbers. Sadly this ambition was not without its contradictions. Opposite to this ambition one finds the omissions that rendered it inoperative : lack personnel, lack of proper training for European and African civil servants, lack of funds, lack of institutions (local statistical offices), etc. A general evaluation is presented. The administration appears full contradictions, open, obviously, to the advantages of complete population enumerations but incapable in generating them in a methodologically satisfying manner. This concern was challenged by the rise of limits fo former modes of exploitation of populations.

I would like to thank Anita Hill and express my deep respect to her for having the courage to shatter the silence on sexual harassment. I am certain that I speak for millions of women in saying that I have been inspired and renewed by her strength and integrity. I have looked forward to addressing you tonight on a critical issue at this very important juncture in our political history. Sexual harassment has captured our attention over the last several weeks and has of course galvanized women in a way that scarcely could have been imagined only a few short months ago. The issue I want to address tonight, however, is at once narrower and broader than sexual harassment. Focusing on the intersections of race and gender, I want to highlight the racial dimensions of sexual harassment of African-American women.

I would like to thank Anita Hill and express my deep respect to her for having the courage to shatter the silence on sexual harassment. I am certain that I speak for millions of women in saying that I have been inspired and renewed by her strength and integrity. I have looked forward to addressing you tonight on a critical issue at this very important juncture in our political history. Sexual harassment has captured our attention over the last several weeks and has of course galvanized women in a way that scarcely could have been imagined only a few short months ago. The issue I want to address tonight, however, is at once narrower and broader than sexual harassment. Focusing on the intersections of race and gender, I want to highlight the racial dimensions of sexual harassment of African-American women.

The history of the Fulbright international educational exchange program in Africa is one of slowly growing political & economic interest in the continent & an ongoing adjustment to radical political & social changes. The program has followed the directive of avoiding all appearances of cultural imperialism & keeping apart from political or bureaucratic interference. Responding to the growth of Us in Africa & the expanding interest & expertise of US students & scholars, the program grew rapidly in the 1970s & was strengthened in 1978 with the addition of the Hubert H. Humphrey North/South Fellowships for midcareer civil servants & in 1980 by the University Affiliation Program & the African-American Issues Center Program. The Fulbright has been largest in the largest countries or those of greatest interest geopolitically to the US -- Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, & Liberia. The Republic of South Africa presents the greatest challenge to an exchange program founded on academic excellence & free intellectual inquiry. HA

Described is the history of popular resistance in Namibia from the period of seventeenth-century European expansion through the present struggle for national liberation. The relationship between Namibians & representatives of world commerce was characterized as early as 1677 in a trading encounter between Namas & Dutch explorers that ended with the Dutch party being driven out. Namibians have historically fought against waves of Dutch, German, & Portuguese imperialists with intelligence, using information gained from missionaries, colonial government officials, & traders; they have educated their sons in mission schools & have used modern weapons in their militia. Such tactics enabled the mood of resistance to survive the severity of twentieth-century Germany & South African colonial regimes & to become effective once again in the post-World War II period. The modern liberation movement has drawn support from four chief sectors: (1) traditional leadership, (2) churches, (3) intellectuals, & (4) Urban & mining center workers. D. Dunseath.

A mainly Yes/No questionnaire was admin'd to approximately 1 in 5 of the pop studied. Data were obtained on: (1) past experience of difficult lodgers classified by type, (2) readiness of S's to consider future applications from S's of various types including `African' & 'Asian', (3) judgments of the special applicability of 7 personality traits to 'colored' S's, & (4) att's to presence of 'colored' & 'white' foreign S's at British U's. 62% of the sample were rated as clearly prejudiced against non-'white' S's. A slight -r was found between prejudice & 1st-hand experience of 'colored' S's as lodgers. The accentuation of prejudice against foreigners by dark skin color is interpreted as a function of superficial strangeness, cultural stereotypes derived from GB's colonial history, & the increasing prevalence of 'colored' as a term of classification in UK under the influence of US culture. Modified AA.

The United Nations Security Council in a resolution passed on August 9, 1960, reaffirmed that "the United Nations force in the Congo will not be a party to or in any way intervene in or be used to influence the outcome of any internal conflict. …" A Commonwealth state, Ceylon, was a cosponsor of this precedent-making resolution. A few weeks earlier the Government of Malaya had announced a boycott on South African goods in protest against South Africa's racial policy, another dispute involving a domestic jurisdiction plea. Commonwealth members have been parties to approximately half of the disputes in League of Nations or United Nations history that are fairly classifiable as involving pleas of domestic jurisdiction. These recent actions of Ceylon and Malaya suggest that the newer members of the Commonwealth will be no less active in shaping the domestic jurisdiction concept than the older members have been.

This Light of Ours: Activist Photographers of the Civil Rights Movement is a paradigm-shifting publication that presents the Civil Rights Movement through the work of nine activist photographers-men and women who chose to document the national struggle against segregation and other forms of race-based disenfranchisement from within the movement. Unlike images produced by photojournalists, who covered breaking news events, these photographers lived within the movement-primarily within the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) framework-and documented its activities by focusing on the