Suchergebnisse

Historical conditions that have permitted poor Americans to accumulate assets are examined. It is contended that informal social relations function as a significant obstacle for social policy that attempts to increase poor Americans' access to assets. The Reconstruction period is viewed as an example of an historical period that failed to establish relations between poor Americans, especially African Americans, & official institutions that would help poor Americans to grow financially. Conversely, the New Deal period is perceived as an historical period that significantly altered poor Americans' relationship with official institutions; specifically, it is claimed that New Deal policies permitted low-income families access to resources, credit used to purchase homes, & property ownership. In addition, three changes in American political & social attitudes during the late 19th & early 20th century that resulted in increased attention to poor Americans' lives are identified, eg, the formalization of American labor markets. Despite the benefits of New Deal policies, it is stated that US involvement in WWII made asset-based initiatives more efficacious for low-income families. It is concluded that informal social relations continue to hinder asset-based initiatives designed to help poor Americans achieve financial growth. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 66 References. J. W. Parker

Considers the potential for the 2000 US presidential election to generate black bipartisanship at the presidential level & provide the opportunity for the Republican Party to shed its negative image among Hispanic & Asian communities. The racial politics surrounding the campaign are detailed, highlighting the GOP primaries; Bill Bradley's inability to rally black supporters & the implications for Gore; accusations of tokenism levied against the Republican convention & the announcement of Joe Lieberman as the Democratic vice presidential candidate, who then had to reverse his anti-affirmative action position; Bush's aggressive campaign outreach to blacks, Hispanics, & Asians; Gore's early reluctance to address race issues; & the Democrats' late-campaign push on race. Bush failed to achieve much support among African Americans despite his massive outreach. Reasons why this was so are addressed, eg, the legacy of Bill Clinton as the most popular politician in history among black voters & the efforts of the NAACP. The rise in Hispanic support for the Republican Party is noted as one positive outcome of the campaign. It is concluded that the GOP faces a tough road in changing the status quo of US racial politics. 1 Table. J. Zendejas

Historical conditions that have permitted poor Americans to accumulate assets are examined. It is contended that informal social relations function as a significant obstacle for social policy that attempts to increase poor Americans' access to assets. The Reconstruction period is viewed as an example of an historical period that failed to establish relations between poor Americans, especially African Americans, & official institutions that would help poor Americans to grow financially. Conversely, the New Deal period is perceived as an historical period that significantly altered poor Americans' relationship with official institutions; specifically, it is claimed that New Deal policies permitted low-income families access to resources, credit used to purchase homes, & property ownership. In addition, three changes in American political & social attitudes during the late 19th & early 20th century that resulted in increased attention to poor Americans' lives are identified, eg, the formalization of American labor markets. Despite the benefits of New Deal policies, it is stated that US involvement in WWII made asset-based initiatives more efficacious for low-income families. It is concluded that informal social relations continue to hinder asset-based initiatives designed to help poor Americans achieve financial growth. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 66 References. J. W. Parker

The Western European colonialist encounters with populations that were culturally & phenotypically different from themselves was the factor that laid the foundation for the concept of race in the identification of distinct human groups and association with differences in physical appearances. Although race had no basis in natural science, during the middle to late 18th century the concept was embraced by learned individuals to give it legitimacy as a product of scientific investigation and categorize what was conceived as inherently unequal populations, & was corollary to the Eurocentric worldview that racialized all others. The global human heritage of European civilization is related to globalization & the new order in which the persistence of neocolonial structures & practices are power relations that simultaneously wield the potential to maintain hegemonic forms as well as offer new opportunities for the forces of resistance. The concept of postcolonial critical hybridity is asserted to be part of a broader process instrumental to deconstructing the concept of Europe & acknowledging the specificity of its development which now addresses the devastating impact of white racism & supremacy on individuals of African descent, & is countered by the legitimating of the Afrocentric desire to give voice to the shared global disillusionment & to deconstruct the Eurocentric rendering of history. Afrocentrist dismantling of Eurocentrism must move beyond dichotomous thinking to embrace a moderate Afrocentrism based on a both/neither way of thinking that is compatible with postcolonial concept of critical hybridity, thus making the concept of critical hybridity quintessentially Afrocentric in the deepest meaning of the word. References. J. Harwell