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The ideological & political motivations underlying the official vocabulary & grammar of African affairs are examined. It is argued that the primary function of this language is intimidation, not communication, & that the language attempts to mask & encode present reality, while limiting future prospects to politically determined barriers enforced through selective & encoded vocabulary. After a brief outline & critique of various examples of official rhetoric, it is suggested that its primary function is the distortion of reality. Nouns representing officially sanctioned concepts are given primacy, while verbs are reduced to merely situating the noun in a temporal category. Nouns are presented as fixed, known, & nondebatable truths, & adjectives are used to rejuvenate nouns (official concepts) that have been challenged or failed. Despite these efforts toward rhetorical manipulation, it is concluded that the language-enforced myths of the government are rapidly deteriorating. T. Sevier

The globalized Western culture of innovation, as propagated by major aid institutions, does not necessarily lead to empowerment or improvement of the well-being of the stakeholders. On the contrary, it often blocks viable indigenous innovation cultures. In African societies and African Diasporas in Latin America, cultures of innovation largely accrue from the informal, not the formal sector. Crucial for their proper understanding is a threefold structural differentiation: between the formal and informal sector, within the informal sector, according to class, gender or religion, and between different transnational social spaces. Different innovation cultures may be complementary, mutually reinforcing, or conflicting, leading in extreme cases even to a 'clash of cultures' at the local level. The repercussions of competing, even antagonistic agencies of innovative strategic groups are demonstrated, analyzing the case of the African poor in Benin and the African Diasporas of Brazil and Haiti.

Discusses the professional paradox of African American journalists focusing on Warren Breed's study on social control in the newsroom to determine why if the number of African American journalists is increasing, news is still covered from a white perspective. The consequence of this paradox is African Americans leaving the field of journalism. A. Lee

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

This chapter expands analysis of Oakeshott's philosophical thought to apply his dual perspectives on political & social theory to African politics through a focus on the basic postulates of human relationships rather than institutions. His perception of the nature of a politics informed by tradition of behavior is a precondition, & his modal understanding of associations is an alternative view to European technical understanding of government. Oakeshott argues that political behavior reflects traditional knowledge as an exploration & pursuit of what is intimated, or hinted at, in traditions of behavior. Regarding African politics, a cultural lag exists between the political development of the state & imposed European technical understanding of politics such as the constitution & state authority. A coherent politics for Africa must rest on understanding Africa's tribal precolonial political traditions, since these traditions continue to influence politics indirectly. The African worldview of ubuntu does not fit with the modern idea of individuals & civil association (societas), but can accept governance in the form of an enterprise association (universitas) based on the principle of individual adjustment in the communal society, even at the cost of some self denial. 20 References. J. Harwell

The author analyzes the use & rhetoric of 'conflict prevention' in Africa. In the post-cold war era the notion of conflict prevention, became a popular one among politicians as well as political scientists. The notion was then picked up by African policy makers & diplomats as a way to garner outside support to fight continental conflict. However, the structure of African government made it relative ineffective. In this chapter, the author analyzes the concept of conflict prevention & how it has been used in Africa, focusing on the work of the continent's inter-governmental institutions. These institutions, run by political elites, represent some of the more powerful institutions on the continent. The author prefaces this discussion with comments on the concept of conflict prevention & mediation.

Imperialism, sub imperialism & anti-imperialism are all settling into durable patterns & alignments in Africa, even if the continent's notoriously confusing political discourse sometimes conceals the collisions & solutions. The postures of the antiwar rhetoric expressed by Mandela & Mbeki in South Africa are best understood as "talking left, walking right." The role of sub-Saharan Africa in imperialism is related to global circuits of crisis management that were reflected in the US Naval War College's "The Pentagon's New Map" that identified dangers zones for imperialism as incubators of the next generation of global terrorists. The incorporation of Africa into global capitalism through the South African connection identifies the exploitation of role of Johannesburg businesses in mining, construction, financial services, retail & tourism sectors as the most important factors. The ideological backing for corporate oriented subimperialism is located in the South African Institute for International Affairs, although Mbeki's support for the WTO has generated suspicion as the George Bush of Africa. The function of Pretoria's anti-imperialist rhetoric is concluded to be evident as a disguising of subimperial practices during an encouraging recent rise of social movement protests against neoliberalism. The challenge for Africa's progressive force is to establish the difference between "reformist reforms" & advance a "non-reformist" agenda to strengthen democratic movements, empower the producers, & open the door to the contestation of capitalism itself. References. J. Harwell

Chronicles the development & activities of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in South Africa since its formation in 1982 from a social movement perspective. Data obtained via interviews with union leaders & members are drawn on to illuminate the processes of structural change & political opportunity in the country that laid the groundwork for the rise of the NUM. Rejecting social movement theory's notion of "cultural framing," a more dialectical & practical approach is adopted to explain how culture functions as ideology. Antonio Gramsci's notion of "common sense" is employed to describe the relationship between the political, the material, & the ideological in the formation of the NUM. The role of "mobilizing structures" linking informal networks & social movement organizations is explained & the existence of such structures in the South African coal mines is demonstrated. Other problems with social movement theory are delineated & an alternative way of approaching theory is proposed, highlighting the traditions of Georg Simmel (1980) & Max Weber (1949). K. Hyatt Stewart