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The African growth story has investors from around the world eyeing opportunities offered up by the continent in the form of new markets, enhanced growth potential and impressive returns. Despite the overwhelmingly positive thrust of this message, it finds itself situated against a backdrop of serious challenges, not only in Africa, but also globally, in the face of increasing financial, political and natural-catastrophe risk. In this world of tremendous risk and tremendous opportunity, the insurance industry can provide post-disaster financing, financial security, institutional investment and innovative risk management strategies to reduce levels of risk on the ground. Launched earlier this year, the Principles for Sustainable Insurance are a framework for embedding environmental, social and governance factors into insurance business and so promoting sustainable development. This creative research project argues that a robust insurance industry promotes economic growth and that the parallel developments, in the story of African growth and the risk management practices of the insurance industry, present a compelling framework for nurtured and sustainable development in Africa.

THE SOUTH AFRICAN FILM INDUSTRY: FRAGMENTATION, IDENTITY CRISIS AND UNIFICATION IntroductionFilm and video are regarded as vital in South Africa's transition. Amongst others, film and video can foster a stable, democratic and united society. However, the South African film industry cannot fulfil this role at present due to fragmentation and consequently an identity crisis. The industry therefore needs to change. One of the key players in previous debates about the restructuring of the local industry, the Film and Allied Workers' (FAWO) Distribution Committee chairman, Seipati Bulane-Hopa, describes the need for cinema in our society in these words: Cinema . serves as a vehicle for people to articulate their different social affiliations and define their respective historic cultures, traditions, social and political experiences. If cinema is only used to entertain and not to educate, then the chances of transforming our society are slim (Blignaut & Botha, 1992, p.88).

This study appraises the post-event perceptions and experiences of African immigrant residents, with respect to the 2010 FIFA World Cup hosted in South Africa. The study is unique, in that the subject matter covered has not yet received systematic attention in the research literature on mega sport events in South Africa. In the vast body of scholarly articles that has emerged on the dynamics and consequences of the 2010 event, there have been increasing studies on citizens? perceptions, however a few, if any research have examined the attitude and perceptions of African migrants. Given that the latter social category has been relatively marginalised in terms of South Africa?s recent political economy, and the World Cup was framed as ?an African World Cup?, this research contributes to an under-researched dimension of the politics of mega sport events in South Africa. Through a multi-method approach, drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methodology, the study offers insights into the way in which a sample of migrants (n=400) in and around the city of Cape Town viewed and framed experiences of the post-event. The key findings of the study reveal perceptions and experiences related to certain predefined African legacy intentions to have been largely positive, as the majority of resident African immigrants in Cape Town perceived that the event has benefited African citizens in terms of job creation, accelerated the development of African football, increased tourism and investment opportunities in Africa etc. The article recommends the need to undertake further empirical studies in order to test, verify and provide precise evidence on how, and to what extent, African countries benefited from the 2010 mega event. ; Cape Peninsula University of Technology

The main aim of this paper is to understand the evolution and transformation of North African migration systems since 1945 within a conceptual framework drawing on migration systems and transitional migration theory. The analysis shows how regional migration dynamics have been an integral part of more general political and economic transformations. While the core Maghreb countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia) have become firmly integrated into the Euro-Mediterranean migration system, Egypt has been predominantly connected to the Gulf (GCC) migration system. Intra-regional migration has mainly been focused on Libya. Recently, regional migration systems show increasing complexity and interconnectivity, while increasing migration from sub-Saharan Africa towards Libya and other North African countries might herald their future transition into settlement countries. The extent to which policies can enhance the development impact of migration is assessed by focusing on Morocco. Recent increases in remittances and (holiday) returns suggest that Morocco's policies towards migration and development have been successful at least to a certain extent. However, the analysis also exemplifies that specific "diaspora policies" have only limited effects if they are not accompanied by structural political and economic reform.

At independence in 1960, Africa was a modest food exporter while Asia was engulfed in a food crisis. The Green Revolution boosted food production in Asia and the global food problem shifted to Africa. However, science and technology have been promoted on an ad hoc basis in Africa's 45 years of independence. This chapter analyses why the Asian Green Revolution failed to take root in Africa, and why the average African grain yield has been flat since 1960. The chapter shows that the rate of return has been high on investments in research for a few commodities, such as hybrid maize, rice and flowers. However, most countries in Africa have a weak scientific and institutional foundation for transforming agriculture. Long-term investments are required to build the scientific and institutional foundation for a modern agriculture. This is a tall order, but this is what the USA accomplished from 1860 to 1912, what Japan did from 1868 to 1914 and what many countries in Asia and Latin America have accomplished over the past 40 years. The challenge now is to mobilize African political leaders and donors to make long-term accretionary (step by step) investments in science and technology that will boost cereal yields, increase agricultural productivity and drive down real (inflation adjusted) food prices. This is a proven way to reduce urban poverty and the poverty of rural families who are net food buyers. This book brings together empirical evidence from 20 studies on the impact of investments in agricultural research and food security in Africa. Information on the returns to investments in research can help countries in setting priorities for agricultural research. The purpose of this chapter is to highlight the emerging issues, challenges and constraints on African agriculture that beg serious attention from the policy makers. It enumerates a broad set of food security challenges facing African agriculture. Finally, it identifies successes in African agriculture and recent efforts aimed at scaling-up the successes.

A Zambezia conference paper on South African racial policy during the apartheid governments of the early 1970's. Conference paper delivered at Symposium on Race in Southern Africa, University College Rhodesia, 1972. ; It is almost an impossible assignment to treat, in a single paper, in a competent and satisfactory manner, so difficult and complex a subject as South Africa's racial policy; and the magnitude of the assignment is only matched by what could perhaps justifiably be called the unforgivable presumptuousness on the part of a person who makes the attempt. I must therefore ask for your indulgence and tolerant understanding for the many examples of incompleteness — the many gaps, in time and in substance — that will undoubtedly be evident in this presentation.

African and Africanists scholars formed the intellectual wing of African nationalism; which triumphed in the attainment of political independence of the former colonial possessions in the 1960s. In the course of the nationalist struggle, it was held out that African underdevelopment was coursed by the unequal economic relations between the colonies and the metropolitan countries. Walter Rodney in a brilliant analysis of the low economic situation of the continent held out the prospects of rapid economic advancement of the continent once this colonial hegemony - which came at the heels of the abolition of the over four hundred years of the trans-Atlantic slave trade - was laid to rest. Other scholars pointed out paths to political Stability which, it is generally accepted, is a sine qua non of economic development. Regrettably, almost sixty years on, the African continent is still enmeshed in the backwaters of world economic progress. The Rodney thesis no longer suffices as an explanation of African economic underdevelopment. More so when juxtaposed with some Asian countries which gained political independence contemporaneously with African states. This paper attempts to answer the question of where and why did African political elite get It wrong? By so doing deepen our understanding of the African economic crisis and proffer ways of meeting the challenges so posed.

Bibliography: leaves 124-129. ; The concept of religion in South Africa has been distorted by religious and racial prejuidices. This problem is particularly evident in public schools South African schools have taught Christianity as the only authentic religion, in fact as the only truth. Black parents have not been given a choice of religion for their children. The white government has decided for them Based on the assumption that Christianity is the only legitimate religion, the state has suppressed African indigenous religion at every level of society, but especially in the schools. The thesis examines the indigenous beliefs and practices of the black people in South Africa which were suppressed by Western culture and Christianity. It reveals all the distortions about African Religion by the outside researchers in order to uproot the black people from their way of life so as to colonise them. As a result all the black children are taught to regard Christianity as a "Religion" and their own religion as "culture", the implication being that blacks had no religion until the white man came with Christianity. The thesis also investigates the feelings of the black people about recovering their indigenous religion by having it as a subject in schools. The results reveal that the majority of blacks never dissociated themselves with their religion. Although most are Christians in principle, deep down they practise their own religion. It has also been discovered that there are great lamentations amongst most blacks over the "loss" of some of the indigenous practices. Most have felt alienated from their heritage and identity. It is therefore the interest of the blacks in South Africa that African Religion be taught in schools.

Does the growing polarization in socioeconomic status make the African-American population more heterogeneous in terms of political alignment and racial attitudes? Does such polarization encourage middle class blacks to align with middle class whites, ultimately diluting the cohesiveness of the African-American community?

The concept of diaspora is phenomena. However, it is discussed conservatively by scholars in the fields of economics, spatial geography, politics, development studies, sociology and social anthropology. This article discusses the African diaspora as a tool for fostering the African renaissance. Most, if not all, African countries were once colonies of Western states, which imply that both people and economies were deprived of freedom of movement and freedom of association both within Africa and beyond. They were therefore recipients of the so-called renaissance of the colonial masters, who were themselves diasporas of their mother nations. In fact, the Western states themselves obtained some form of renaissance from Africa, although they allegedly propose themselves to be the torchbearers of the African renaissance. The term 'renaissance' refers to an endless process of systematic transformation, systematic change and systematic reformation and is thought to be contagious. Accordingly, the African diaspora is contributing to an African renaissance in all domains of life, that is, economically, socially, politically and technologically. Those who have left Africa are facing what this article would refer to as 'payback time' – repatriating resources to the African continent in order to pay back. The diaspora is thus playing a distributive role, transferring resources from regions of higher concentration to regions of lower concentration through 'impermeable membranes' (country borders) that are never porous. This article seeks to conceptualise the role of the African diaspora, examining and/or defining who forms part of the diaspora, by outlining the challenges of such a role in the continent. The respective governments of the country in which the member of the diaspora is now residing and the government of the homeland in Africa should be involved in the way forward towards facilitating the contribution of the diaspora in terms of the revival of Africans' humanity and Afrikology. Moreover, they should be pushing for the creation of a United States of Africa.

Emerging from the paradox of early Futurism's appetite both for progress and technology and for Africa and the primitive, this article seeks to reconcile these aspects of the movement by comparing Futurism's and Africa's temporalities. Drawing on anthropological and art historical discourse on the temporality of the tribal/primitive/non-Western and with reference to turn of the century Italian anthropological and political concepts of Africa, this article demonstrates how the use of African, "primitive" and "barbaric" elements in early Futurist theory, the art of Umberto Boccioni and Carlo Carrà and the literature of F.T. Marinetti, was a key aspect of the Futurist relationship with the past, present and future.

Using the lenses of realism, liberalism, the English School and constructivism, this book explains how the divisions and differences in African identities affect African international politics. This book explores the African condition in the twenty-first century. It analyses how geographical, racial, ethnic, linguistic, religious and power differences shape continental and intercontinental relations in Africa through the creation of identities and values which militate against intra-continental or regional relations. The author assesses inclusionary and exclusionary, rational and irrational relationships, interactions and non-interactions which occur between geographical, linguistic, racial and religious entities in Africa. He suggests that, in these moments, one entity will negatively relate, interact or refuse to interact with another entity for the gains of the former and to the detriment of the latter or even to the detriment of both entities. Divided into two parts, the first part of the book employs an ecumenical approach to discuss the divisions and differences that disunite Africa as a continent and Africans as a people and how they affect African international politics. Part II goes on to explore how this 'othering' can be superseded by non-discriminatory, unifying and positive identities and values. Examining the possibility of creating identities and values that can unite Africa as a continent and Africans as a people, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, international relations and political theory.

Metadata only record ; For many developing countries, agricultural production gains have facilitated rural and urban economic growth. However, African countries in general are viewed as being unsuccessful in increasing productivity. Sustainable intensification is a method of production that incorporates the principles of natural resource conservation and efficient use with intensive agricultural practices. Recently, it is a coming into ideological and practical popularity among agriculturalists, environmentalists, and economists as a means to increase productive capacity sustainably. In this study, forty projects and programs utilizing concepts of sustainable intensification in twenty African states were evaluated the determine the commonalities of success. Increased yields and benefits to farmers and their families were demonstrated, and scaling out now presents significant issues and challenges. Common factors in the success of these forty endeavors include farmer and scientist-generated animal integration technologies, improving social infrastructure, incorporation of the private sector, adoption of modern communication technologies, developing rural banking and microfinance opportunities, garnering support from the public sector, and focusing on impacts and issues related to gender.

Since the 1960s, African states have embraced regional integration as a vital mechanism for political cooperation and for pooling resources to overcome problems of small and fragmented economies. In building meaningful institutions for regionalism, however, Africans have faced the challenges of reconciling the diversities of culture, geography, and politics. As a result, African regional institutions are characterized by multiple and competing mandates and weak institutionalization. This study illustrates these themes by comparing two continental institutions—the African Union and its predecessor, the Organization of African Unity, and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and subregional institutions—the Economic Commission of Central African States, the Economic Community of West African States, the Common Market for East and Southern African States, the Community of the Sahel-Saharan States, and the Arab Maghreb Union. By focusing on the institutional structures, mandates, and contributions of these organizations in their geographical domains, the study probes the links between policy articulation and outcomes. The conclusion focuses on lessons that African regionalism can inform Asian integration experiences.

Following the painful murder of George Floyd in the united states by a police officer in 2020 summer due to racism, there has been increasing concerns about the need to address racism and discrimination issues that racial minorities go through in our societies. Stories about racism is not limited to United States but also in Europe. In Norway, whether immigrants experience racism or not, continues to be a mixed discussion. Some researchers think immigrants in Norway often encounter inclusive, multicultural, and democratic experiences. Opposing views have also arrived at nuanced findings on existence of racism and discrimination in several spheres of Norwegian community. This study freshens the conversation on racism in Norway and the focus is to contribute to understanding of racial discrimination experiences of Africans and African Norwegians in education. Drawing on a qualitative study and a human right framework, the International Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination), this paper has dived into experiences of 18 participants (students, teachers, and administrators) from Somalia, Ghana, Kenya, and Ethiopia at some selected universities in Norway about their understanding and experiences of racial discrimination at school. The study finds that Africans and African Norwegians experience indirect racial discrimination in education, including stereotypes. However, an insignificant number of the participants also expressed views on no racism and a high sense of belonging at school. Ways to combat racism experiences have also been captured from the stories of participants. Generally, both individual and institutional responses to surviving and combatting racism were considered. On the individual level, reliance on professional identity, confrontation, speak out and distancing were some of the individual weapons or personal resources Africans and African Norwegians use to navigate racism experiences. On an institutional level, participants encourage Norwegian schools and the society to intensify awareness creation on racism, strengthen human right education for tolerance, building a shared immigrant network, and learning and living through diversity were some of the vital tools to address racism in education. ; M-IR