Suchergebnisse

The present essay aims at generating an approximation to some of the constitutive elements of the conflict for land and territory in El Cauca department, as well as to the latent and manifest tensions existing between peasant and indigenous communities in connection with the land, the territory, education and health services, exacerbated since the campaign "Liberación de la Madre Tierra" took place. The article intends to contribute to the understanding of the aforementioned phenomenon. This reflection constitutes an attempt to deeply understand the political, social and cultural implications of the multicultural configuration of the Colombian society and of their consequences for the organizing of the territory. This is achieved based on a series of contextually narrated events recently occurred in El Cauca Department, inherent to the local, regional and national dynamics of the real constitution of the country. ; El presente ensayo busca generar una aproximación a algunos de los elementos constitutivos del conflicto por la Tierra y el Territorio en el departamento del Cauca, como a las tensiones latentes y manifiestas existentes entre comunidades Campesinas e Indígenas en torno a la tierra, el territorio, la educación y la prestación de los servicios de salud, exacerbadas a partir de la campaña de "Liberación de la Madre Tierra", con el ánimo de contribuir a la comprensión de dicho fenómeno. Se trata con esta reflexión de intentar comprender con mayor profundidad las implicaciones políticas, sociales y culturales de la configuración multicultural de la sociedad Nacional y de sus consecuencias para el ordenamiento del territorio, a partir del relato de una serie de sucesos y de su contexto, acaecidos en el Departamento del Cauca recientemente e inherentes a las dinámicas locales, regionales y nacionales propias de la constitución real del país.

El artículo expone los principales resultados de una investigación sobre las consecuencias que la adopción del cultivo de coca, las lógicas productivas de la economía ilícita, y las políticas antinarcóticos del estado Colombiano han significado para la seguridad y soberanía alimentaria de comunidades afrocolombianas en el departamento del Caquetá. El trabajo se sustentó en un extenso trabajo de campo realizado en la zona rural de la inspección de Rionegro, municipio de puerto Rico. En el texto se analiza el papel que juegan la historia regional, el contexto social y económico en las razones que permiten explicar el por qué de la presencia de la coca. Se da cuenta de las principales características de la modalidad de producción familiar que caracteriza la coca en la región y finalmente, y se exponen los impactos que la política antinarcóticos tiene sobre la seguridad alimentaria de las comunidades en la región de estudio. En aras de aportar elementos para el debate de las alternativas para el cultivo de la coca, el artículo demuestra cómo las practicas productivas en la región, tanto legales e ilegales, no pasan por la construcción de un proyecto de soberanía alimentaria y no llegan a satisfacer los puntos básicos de seguridad alimentaria.

Understanding the contemporary processes of Afro-Colombian communities involves looking through the rear-view mirror to relate the historical causes of violence and exclusion that they live today. In this way, in recent years there have been migratory processes of people of african descent in Ibagué, which take place in a context in which the urban and the rural are united in a cycle. For this reason, in this city there has been an organizational process of vindication of rights that have been recognized before the local institutions within the framework of the formulation of a public policy. Faced with this process, as with many others, journalists and the media have enough flaws in their journalistic work in relation to black/Afro-descendant communities. Therefore, complex challenges are presented to make visible the realities and contexts of these populations. ; Entender los procesos contemporáneos de comunidades afrocolombianas implica mirar a través del retrovisor para relacionar las causas históricas de laviolencia y exclusión que hoy viven. En los últimos años se han dado procesos migratorios de personas afrodescendientes a Ibagué, en medio de un contexto en el que lo urbano y lo rural están unidos en un ciclo. Por ello en esta ciudad tiene lugar un proceso organizativo de reivindicación de derechos que les han sido reconocidos ante la institucionalidad local en el marco de la formulación de una política pública. Frente a este proceso, como con muchos otros, los periodistas y los medios de comunicación presentan bastantes falencias en su quehacer periodístico, en relación a temas de comunidades negras/afrodescendientes. Por ello se plantean complejos retos para visibilizar las realidades y contextos de estas poblaciones.

Colombian State recognize and protect the ethnic and cultural diversity of the nation, Political Constitution of Colombia defines ethnic communities' rights and guarantees, when consider them as a subjects of constitutional special protection, because of the vulnerability and threat that puts their survival in risk. Therefore, according to the Political Constitution, the Law 685 of 2001 defines the relationship between indigenous communities and afrocolombian communities with mining extraction activity in the country. Consequently, mining in ethnic territories consider, traditional mining practices, right priority, prior consultation, and the protection of the values that constitute their cultural identity and their traditional ways of life. ; El Estado Colombiano reconoce y protege la diversidad étnica y cultural de la Nación, la Constitución Política de Colombia define los derechos y garantías de las comunidades étnicas, al considerarlas como sujetos de especial protección constitucional, en razón, a la vulnerabilidad y amenaza, que pone en riesgo su supervivencia. Por su parte, en concordancia con la Constitución Política del país, la Ley 685 de 2001 define en su contenido la relación existente entre las comunidades indígenas y afrocolombianas con la actividad extractiva minera en el país. En ese sentido, la actividad minera en territorios étnicos considera entre otros, las prácticas mineras tradicionales, el derecho de prelación, la consulta previa y la protección de los valores que constituyen su identidad cultural y sus formas tradicionales de vida.

The article deals with describing the moments in which the Colombian State has legislated for the peoples of African ancestry, especially in the matter of educational rights. It will also show that the specific laws for these communities in a contradictory manner do not enjoy a promotion strategy on the part of the State and on the contrary have been naturalized in a double game of inclusion-denial, that is, the right of blacks is part of the normativity but it does not apply in practice. It is postulated here that the inclusion of the Afro communities to the State's educational policies responds to a demobilization strategy and an attempt to close the protest processes. However, despite the colonial and racist vision that permanently marks the performance of Colombian elites, since the nineteenth century groups of black intellectuals have emerged that have significantly influenced the processes of claiming an education aimed at revitalizing the social, political and cultural constructions of Afro-Colombians. The opening to the cultural diversity of the 1991 Political Constitution is read here as a strategy of State multiculturalism. ; El artículo se ocupa de describir los momentos en que el Estado colombiano ha legislado para los pueblos de ancestro africano, especialmente en materia de derechos educativos. También mostrará que las leyes específicas para estas comunidades de manera contradictoria no gozan de una estrategia de promoción por parte del Estado y por el contrario se han naturalizado en un doble juego de inclusión-negación, esto es, el derecho de los negros es parte de la normatividad pero no se aplica en la práctica. Se postula aquí que la inclusión de las comunidades Afro a las políticas educativas del Estado responde a una estrategia de desmovilización e intento de cierre de los procesos reivindicativos. No obstante, pese a la visión colonial y racista que marca de forma permanente el desempeño de las elites colombianas, desde el siglo XIX emergen grupos de intelectuales negros que han logrado influir de manera significativa en los procesos de reclamación de una educación enderezada a revitalizar las construcciones sociales, políticas y culturales de los afrocolombianos. La apertura a la diversidad cultural de la Constitución política de 1991 es leída aquí como estrategia del multiculturalismo de Estado. ; O artigo se ocupa em descrever os momentos em que o Estado colombiano legislou para as populações de ascendência africana, principalmente no que diz respeito aos direitos educativos. Também mostrará que as leis específicas para estas comunidades, de modo contraditório, não gozam de uma estratégia de promoção por parte do Estado. Ao contrário, foram naturalizadas em um duplo jogo de inclusão-negação, isto é, o direito dos negros é parte da normativa, mas não é aplicado na prática. Postulamos aqui que a inclusão das comunidades afrodescendentes às políticas educativas do Estado corresponde a uma estratégia de desmobilização e a uma tentativa de encerramento dos processos reivindicativos. Não obstante, apesar da visão colonial e racista que marca de forma permanente o desempenho das elites colombianas, desde o século XIX emergem grupos de intelectuais negros que conseguiram influenciar de maneira significativa os processos de reivindicação de uma educação destinada a revitalizar as construções sociais, políticas e culturais dos afrocolombianos. A abertura à diversidade cultural da Constituição política de 1991 é lida aqui como estratégia do multiculturalismo de Estado.

In the Pacific region of Colombia the new conditions for acceding to land and to territory are arousing a strong drive to redefine identities. Blacks who had never perceived or "categorized" themselves as such in their own milieux, unless as "free agents" or in reference to names of places or rivers in areas where they had lived, without land rights, for more than a century "became" so in order to ensure themselves a degree of land security, in application of a law (N° 70 of 1993). This legislation provides for the assignment of collective land titles to "black communities inhabiting the Pacific coastal region". For similar reasons, some Whites associate themselves (become assimilated?) with the Blacks and the mixed-race people, often close to the South-American Indians, sometimes claim to be "blacks", causing incomprehension and annoyance among their neighbours and officials alike, who are white.

In the Pacific region of Colombia the new conditions for acceding to land and to territory are arousing a strong drive to redefine identities. Blacks who had never perceived or "categorized" themselves as such in their own milieux, unless as "free agents" or in reference to names of places or rivers in areas where they had lived, without land rights, for more than a century "became" so in order to ensure themselves a degree of land security, in application of a law (N° 70 of 1993). This legislation provides for the assignment of collective land titles to "black communities inhabiting the Pacific coastal region". For similar reasons, some Whites associate themselves (become assimilated?) with the Blacks and the mixed-race people, often close to the South-American Indians, sometimes claim to be "blacks", causing incomprehension and annoyance among their neighbours and officials alike, who are white.

In the Pacific region of Colombia the new conditions for acceding to land and to territory are arousing a strong drive to redefine identities. Blacks who had never perceived or "categorized" themselves as such in their own milieux, unless as "free agents" or in reference to names of places or rivers in areas where they had lived, without land rights, for more than a century "became" so in order to ensure themselves a degree of land security, in application of a law (N° 70 of 1993). This legislation provides for the assignment of collective land titles to "black communities inhabiting the Pacific coastal region". For similar reasons, some Whites associate themselves (become assimilated?) with the Blacks and the mixed-race people, often close to the South-American Indians, sometimes claim to be "blacks", causing incomprehension and annoyance among their neighbours and officials alike, who are white.

In the Pacific region of Colombia the new conditions for acceding to land and to territory are arousing a strong drive to redefine identities. Blacks who had never perceived or "categorized" themselves as such in their own milieux, unless as "free agents" or in reference to names of places or rivers in areas where they had lived, without land rights, for more than a century "became" so in order to ensure themselves a degree of land security, in application of a law (N° 70 of 1993). This legislation provides for the assignment of collective land titles to "black communities inhabiting the Pacific coastal region". For similar reasons, some Whites associate themselves (become assimilated?) with the Blacks and the mixed-race people, often close to the South-American Indians, sometimes claim to be "blacks", causing incomprehension and annoyance among their neighbours and officials alike, who are white.

In the Pacific region of Colombia the new conditions for acceding to land and to territory are arousing a strong drive to redefine identities. Blacks who had never perceived or "categorized" themselves as such in their own milieux, unless as "free agents" or in reference to names of places or rivers in areas where they had lived, without land rights, for more than a century "became" so in order to ensure themselves a degree of land security, in application of a law (N° 70 of 1993). This legislation provides for the assignment of collective land titles to "black communities inhabiting the Pacific coastal region". For similar reasons, some Whites associate themselves (become assimilated?) with the Blacks and the mixed-race people, often close to the South-American Indians, sometimes claim to be "blacks", causing incomprehension and annoyance among their neighbours and officials alike, who are white.

International audience ; In the previous CIST conference I was underlining the risks both of "territorial fetishism" and the exclusion that could bear a too close association between territory and identity. Drawing from Afro-Latin American experiences ("pueblo negro" Mexico, "Comunidades Negras" in Colombia) I show how territories and territorialities, when they are ethnically qualified, may promote exclusion as well as emancipation. I propose to develop this question with a two-folded approach: on the one hand, empirical, that relies not only on black people or "Afro-Latin" specific cases, but on the population seen as a whole; on the other hand, theoretical, that aims at introducing conceptual tools such as 'territorial legitimacy', 'geobody' and 'spatial technology'. This approach that combines new theoretical and empirical data is useful to identify political and territorial innovations and to understand how they combine to redraw the boundaries of citizenship in Latin American multicultural context. ; On a coutume de considérer l'association identité-territoire comme un gage d'exclusion et de conflits potentiels. Le texte aborde la question de la multiplicité des territorialités en contexte multiculturel, avec deux objectifs : décrire la généalogie de cette diversité et sortir ainsi de l'impasse de la « condamnation » de Brunet ("Affirmer une identité sur une base territoriale, c'est se condamner tôt ou tard, à exclure l'autre») ; déconstruire l'argument du « conflit de territoires » utilisé de façon abusive pour expliquer ou analyser les conflits entre collectivités, alors qu'il s'agit souvent de processus plus précis que l'on peut interpréter sous d'autres paradigmes : légitimité territoriale, techniques spatiales, atteinte ou protection d'espaces conçus comme des « corps géographique » par les acteurs. L'analyse de contextes conflictuels récents, en Colombie, montrera ensuite que l'espace est non seulement produit mais porteur de sens politique, il devient facteur (et non pas objet de) des négociations ...

International audience ; In the previous CIST conference I was underlining the risks both of "territorial fetishism" and the exclusion that could bear a too close association between territory and identity. Drawing from Afro-Latin American experiences ("pueblo negro" Mexico, "Comunidades Negras" in Colombia) I show how territories and territorialities, when they are ethnically qualified, may promote exclusion as well as emancipation. I propose to develop this question with a two-folded approach: on the one hand, empirical, that relies not only on black people or "Afro-Latin" specific cases, but on the population seen as a whole; on the other hand, theoretical, that aims at introducing conceptual tools such as 'territorial legitimacy', 'geobody' and 'spatial technology'. This approach that combines new theoretical and empirical data is useful to identify political and territorial innovations and to understand how they combine to redraw the boundaries of citizenship in Latin American multicultural context. ; On a coutume de considérer l'association identité-territoire comme un gage d'exclusion et de conflits potentiels. Le texte aborde la question de la multiplicité des territorialités en contexte multiculturel, avec deux objectifs : décrire la généalogie de cette diversité et sortir ainsi de l'impasse de la « condamnation » de Brunet ("Affirmer une identité sur une base territoriale, c'est se condamner tôt ou tard, à exclure l'autre») ; déconstruire l'argument du « conflit de territoires » utilisé de façon abusive pour expliquer ou analyser les conflits entre collectivités, alors qu'il s'agit souvent de processus plus précis que l'on peut interpréter sous d'autres paradigmes : légitimité territoriale, techniques spatiales, atteinte ou protection d'espaces conçus comme des « corps géographique » par les acteurs. L'analyse de contextes conflictuels récents, en Colombie, montrera ensuite que l'espace est non seulement produit mais porteur de sens politique, il devient facteur (et non pas objet de) des négociations ...

International audience ; In the previous CIST conference I was underlining the risks both of "territorial fetishism" and the exclusion that could bear a too close association between territory and identity. Drawing from Afro-Latin American experiences ("pueblo negro" Mexico, "Comunidades Negras" in Colombia) I show how territories and territorialities, when they are ethnically qualified, may promote exclusion as well as emancipation. I propose to develop this question with a two-folded approach: on the one hand, empirical, that relies not only on black people or "Afro-Latin" specific cases, but on the population seen as a whole; on the other hand, theoretical, that aims at introducing conceptual tools such as 'territorial legitimacy', 'geobody' and 'spatial technology'. This approach that combines new theoretical and empirical data is useful to identify political and territorial innovations and to understand how they combine to redraw the boundaries of citizenship in Latin American multicultural context. ; On a coutume de considérer l'association identité-territoire comme un gage d'exclusion et de conflits potentiels. Le texte aborde la question de la multiplicité des territorialités en contexte multiculturel, avec deux objectifs : décrire la généalogie de cette diversité et sortir ainsi de l'impasse de la « condamnation » de Brunet ("Affirmer une identité sur une base territoriale, c'est se condamner tôt ou tard, à exclure l'autre») ; déconstruire l'argument du « conflit de territoires » utilisé de façon abusive pour expliquer ou analyser les conflits entre collectivités, alors qu'il s'agit souvent de processus plus précis que l'on peut interpréter sous d'autres paradigmes : légitimité territoriale, techniques spatiales, atteinte ou protection d'espaces conçus comme des « corps géographique » par les acteurs. L'analyse de contextes conflictuels récents, en Colombie, montrera ensuite que l'espace est non seulement produit mais porteur de sens politique, il devient facteur (et non pas objet de) des négociations ...

International audience ; In the previous CIST conference I was underlining the risks both of "territorial fetishism" and the exclusion that could bear a too close association between territory and identity. Drawing from Afro-Latin-American experiences ("pueblo negro" in Mexico, "comunidades negras" in Colombia) I show how territories and territorialities, when they are ethnically qualified, may promote exclusion as well as emancipation. I intend to develop this question with a two-folded approach: on the one hand, empirical, that relies not only on black people or "Afro-Latin" specific cases, but on the population seen as a whole; on the other hand, theoretical, that aims at introducing conceptual tools such as "territorial legitimacy", "geobody" and "spatial technology". This approach that combines new theoretical and empirical data is useful to identify political and territorial innovations and to understand how they combine to redraw the boundaries of citizenship in Latin American multicultural context. ; Dans le précédent colloque du CIST, j'appelais à la prudence face aux risques de « fétichisme territorial » et de la charge d'exclusion que porte en elle l'association trop étroite du territoire et de l'identité. À partir d'expériences afro-latino-américaines (« pueblo negro » au Mexique, « comunidades negras » en Colombie), je montrais combien les territoires et territorialités ethniquement qualifiés étaient potentiellement porteurs d'exclusion autant que d'émancipation. Je souhaite ici reprendre la question de la multiplicité des territorialités en contexte multiculturel, avec deux objectifs : décrire la généalogie de cette diversité et sortir ainsi de l'impasse de la « condamnation » de principe ; déconstruire l'argument du « conflit de territoires » utilisé de façon abusive pour expliquer ou analyser les conflits entre collectivités, alors qu'il s'agit souvent de processus plus précis que l'on peut interpréter sous d'autres paradigmes : légitimité territoriale, techniques spatiales, atteinte ou ...

International audience ; In the previous CIST conference I was underlining the risks both of "territorial fetishism" and the exclusion that could bear a too close association between territory and identity. Drawing from Afro-Latin-American experiences ("pueblo negro" in Mexico, "comunidades negras" in Colombia) I show how territories and territorialities, when they are ethnically qualified, may promote exclusion as well as emancipation. I intend to develop this question with a two-folded approach: on the one hand, empirical, that relies not only on black people or "Afro-Latin" specific cases, but on the population seen as a whole; on the other hand, theoretical, that aims at introducing conceptual tools such as "territorial legitimacy", "geobody" and "spatial technology". This approach that combines new theoretical and empirical data is useful to identify political and territorial innovations and to understand how they combine to redraw the boundaries of citizenship in Latin American multicultural context. ; Dans le précédent colloque du CIST, j'appelais à la prudence face aux risques de « fétichisme territorial » et de la charge d'exclusion que porte en elle l'association trop étroite du territoire et de l'identité. À partir d'expériences afro-latino-américaines (« pueblo negro » au Mexique, « comunidades negras » en Colombie), je montrais combien les territoires et territorialités ethniquement qualifiés étaient potentiellement porteurs d'exclusion autant que d'émancipation. Je souhaite ici reprendre la question de la multiplicité des territorialités en contexte multiculturel, avec deux objectifs : décrire la généalogie de cette diversité et sortir ainsi de l'impasse de la « condamnation » de principe ; déconstruire l'argument du « conflit de territoires » utilisé de façon abusive pour expliquer ou analyser les conflits entre collectivités, alors qu'il s'agit souvent de processus plus précis que l'on peut interpréter sous d'autres paradigmes : légitimité territoriale, techniques spatiales, atteinte ou protection d'espaces conçus comme des « corps géographiques » par les acteurs. L'analyse de contextes conflictuels récents, en Colombie, montrera ensuite que l'espace est non seulement produit mais producteur de sens politique, il devient sujet actif (et non pas sujet de) des négociations et arrangements.