Suchergebnisse

The fertility of a population is the consequence of a number
of different but interrelated, demographic, social and economic causes.
In a country, such as Pakistan, where total fertility is high [16] and
the population young [8], age at marriage of women is one of the major
determinants of future fertility. In a non-industrial society marriage
is often the most important factor which regulates the production of
off-spring [9]. The pattern of marriage varies greatly from one country
to another under the influence of social factors, and the gross
expectation of marital life below the age of 50 years (a rough estimate
of the end of the fecund period) for a girl at the beginning of fecund
period varies from about two decades in European countries to about
three decades in Tropical Africa [9]1. Because the upper age limit of
the fecund period is biologically determined, age at marriage is the
major factor which regulates the potential reproductive span of women.
Coale and Tye, using the stable population technique, have demonstrated
that in general fertility declines with an increased age at marriage,
which in fact means the shortening of the average marital life span [2].
In the Mysore population study it was estimated that if no woman married
before reaching 18 years of age, then the overall fertility would
decline by about 15 per cent [13]. Agarwala, in 1965, estimated that in
India an increase in average age at marriage from existing 15.6 years to
19-20 years, would result in an annual crude birth rate 30 years latter
of 33.9 births per 1000 population instead of 47.8, a decline of 29 per
cent [1]. Sadiq [11] has observed that in

The subject of this talk is the ages of brides and grooms and how the relativity of the ages of such marriage partners has changed in England and Wales over the years. It is a well-documented subject in the sense that square tables showing the combinations of ages of marrying couples have been published annually since the middle of the nineteenth century. It is not well-documented in the sense that these plentiful data have attracted the research interest of demographers, economists or sociologists. Indeed, little work has been done up to now on this subject.

ABSTRACT: The family forms found in central and northeastern Italy in the nineteenth century contrasted sharply with those found in the south, with complex forms generally characterizing the former areas and nuclear forms predominating in the latter. Early marriage and a neolocal form of household formation prevailed in most of the south, while later marriage and multi-nuclear households were common in the north. These are linked to differences in the economic systems of these different areas, but also to cultural differences.

The family forms found in central and northeastern Italy in the nineteenth century contrasted sharply with those found in the south, with complex forms generally charac terizing the former ureas and nuclear forms predominating in the latter. Early marriage and a neolocal form of household formation prevailed in most of the south, while later marriage and multi-nuclear households were common in the north. These are linked to differences in the economic systems of these different areas, but also to cultural differences.

SummaryOver the last four decades in Sri Lanka, age at first marriage for males increased marginally, and for females it rose considerably, but there has been no recent increase in female age at marriage. Among the younger cohorts, estimated ages at which some married indeed show a declining mean age at marriage. Coale-McNeil estimates indicate that there is no real decline in female age at marriage in Sri Lanka. Marriages were delayed as a result of economie hardship or increased mortality to the mid-1970s, but once the overall economy improved after 1977, more marriages took place. Female age at marriage in Sri Lanka remained slightly below 24 years, the age which is anticipated by younger cohorts, and this level is likely to persist for some time.