The french Regulation School of hetherodox economics deals with the capability of economic systems to reach stability. The economic systems does not have a tendency to equilibrium. Instead, the institutional farmework of capitalist society produces stability. Regulation Theory links the interaction of agents in a micro level to structural determinations of system development not reducible to this micro level. The evolution of capitalist systems is multidetermined. The origin of institutional forms are presented with the support of Polanyi's and Brauders contributions to the history of capitalism. At last, a discussion on the concept of mode of regulation as a hierarchical configuration of the institutional forms is made. ; The french Regulation School of hetherodox economics deals with the capability of economic systems to reach stability. The economic systems does not have a tendency to equilibrium. Instead, the institutional farmework of capitalist society produces stability. Regulation Theory links the interaction of agents in a micro level to structural determinations of system development not reducible to this micro level. The evolution of capitalist systems is multidetermined. The origin of institutional forms are presented with the support of Polanyi's and Brauders contributions to the history of capitalism. At last, a discussion on the concept of mode of regulation as a hierarchical configuration of the institutional forms is made.
Partindo de um quadro teórico neo-gramsciano crítico à globalização, este artigo aplica a nova teoria do regionalismo (NTR) e a teoria do regionalismo regulatório (TRR) à sua análise e teorização dos tratados de comércio da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos da Nossa América (ALBA-TCP) como regionalismo contra-hegemônico na América Latina e Caribe (ALC). A ALBA está centrada na ideia de um Socialismo do Século XXI, que, como (inicialmente) também a Revolução Bolivariana da Venezuela, substitui a 'vantagem competitiva' pela 'vantagem cooperativa'. Em seu caráter de conjunto de processos multidimensionais e transnacionais a ALBA-TCP opera dentro de/transversalmente a um número de setores e escalas, ao mesmo passo que as transformações estruturais são movidas pela interação de agentes do Estado e agentes não estatais. A política de Educação Superior para Todos (ESPT) do governo venezuelano rejeita a agenda neoliberal globalizada de mercadorização, privatização e elitismo e reinvindica educação pública gratuita em todos os níveis como um direito humano fundamental. A ESPT está sendo regionalizado em um espaço educacional emergente da ALBA e assume um papel-chave nos processos de democracia direta e participatória, dos quais a construção popular (bottom-up) da contra-hegemonia e a redefinição política e econômica da ALC dependem. Antes de produzir sujeitos empreendedores conformes ao capitalismo global, a ESPT procura formar subjetividades ao longo de valores morais de solidariedade e cooperação. Isso será ilustrado com referência a um estudo etnográfico de caso da Universidade Bolivariana da Venezuela (UBV). ; This paper employs new regionalism theory and regulatory regionalism theory in its analysis and theorisation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism. As (initially) the regionalisation of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution, ALBA is centred around the idea of a 21st Century Socialism that replaces the 'competitive advantage' with the 'cooperative advantage'. ALBA, as a set of multi-dimensional inter- and transnational processes, operates within and across a range of sectors and scales whilst the structural transformations are driven by the interplay of state and non-state actors. The Venezuelan government's Higher Education For All (HEFA) policy, which is being regionalised within an emergent ALBA education space, assumes a key role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which a bottom-up construction of counter-hegemony depends. HEFA challenges the globalised neoliberal higher education agenda of commoditisation, privatisation and elitism. Rather than producing enterprising subjects fashioned for global capitalism, HEFA seeks to form subjectivities along the moral values of solidarity and cooperation.
If for Ken Booth and Steve Smith theory is always for someone and for some purpose -- following Robert W. Cox's critical investigation -- their commitment with the real world begins right in the pages of a theory textbook. With this article, we set up to bring some light to what we think is one of the most crucial episodes in the recent IR disciplinary history. At the same time we set up to develop the critical potential of the discipline based on an approach that both recognizes the legacy of political realism -- but also of its shortcomings -- and the need to give voice to traditionally marginalized perspectives and interests. Adapted from the source document.
The Brazilian economy pulled by the aggregate demand. This article aims to present the demand-led growth theory and some empirical evidences for a demand-led growth regime in Brazil. First of all, we will do a brief review of the theory of demand led-growth, based in the seminal work of Kaldor (1988), for whom long-run growth is determined by the growth rate of consumption expenditures and the growth rate of exports. Based in the empirical methodology developed by Atesoglu (2002), we run some econometric tests for the hypothesis of demand-led growth for Brazilian economy. The results of such tests shown that near of 85% of GDP growth in Brazil in the period 1991-2005 is explained by variables at the demand side of the economy. Besides that, based in the methodology developed by Ledesma and Thirwall (2002), we shown that natural rate of growth for Brazilian economy is endogenous, increasing during boom times. This means that appears to be no restrictions in the supply side of the economy for a faster growth of Brazilian economy. Finally, we argue that a necessary condition for a sustained growth of Brazilian economy is the adoption of a export-led growth model. For such it is necessary to put an end on the actual over-valuation of real exchange rate. (Rev Econ Polit/GIGA)
This article aims to analyze the occurrence of the process of security outsourcing and its implications for theory/practice. This task is based on the security decisions made by the Colombia neighbours countries to, between 2000-2011. The article also takes in account their internal realities on border areas stricken from non-traditional threats of armed conflict and the spread of drug-trafficking networks. Adapted from the source document.
The political relations between Turkey and Armenia are unavoidably linked to the dispute on whether the massacre of the Armenian community by the Turkish authorities in 1915, still under the Ottoman empire, should be defined as a genocide. However, there has been some recent progress in the attempt to normalize the political relations between the two countries. Based on Hannah Arendt's theory about forgiveness and politics, it is this paper's aim to analyze one of those progresses, namely the Zurich protocols. We argue that, in spite of some positive factors, the decision to include in the protocols an historical evaluation of the 1915 events condemns them to failure, since, according to Arendt's theory, any result of this investigation could harm the reconciliation procedure. Adapted from the source document.
[ES] El Plan Tecnológico de Educación, donde se incluye el programa, e.escolinha, aunque sometido a un juicio social y político, es el programa educativo más audaz en lo que respeta la modernización tecnológica en Portugal. La ejecución del plan se centra en tres dimensiones diferentes si bien complementarias: I) medida estructural de base tecnológica que se aplicará en todas las escuelas, II) diseño de una red de desarrollo y distribución en línea de contenidos educativos y servicios, III) aplicación de programas didácticos para consolidar los conocimientos en Tecnologías de la Información e la Comunicación de alumnos y profesores. La grandeza del programa se comprueba en la intención política de poner a Portugal en los cinco primeros países europeos con la mayor y mejor infraestructura tecnológica de su red escolar. Para lograr este osado objetivo, el plan abarca tres objetivos operativos anunciados para el año 2010: (I) la velocidad de conexión a Internet (48 Mbps), (II) dos alumnos por ordenador con conexión a Internet, (III) 90% de los maestros con certificación en las TIC. Se presenta como objetivo primordial la necesidad de "lograr un uso efectivo de ordenadores portátiles en el contexto de aprendizaje, en particular en la aula". Es en este panorama de aceptación por parte de la sociedad civil de su materialización, paralelamente con la popularidad que ganó el ordenador Magalhães entre los alunos que es importante reflejar y poner a prueba las perspectivas para el cambio a que las escuelas de hoy son obligadas. El estudio se centra, aunque en una amplia gama de agentes, sobre todo en la reflexión que este cambio va a acarrear en los docentes como agentes operantes de las políticas y de las prácticas educativas, pero también percibir el impacto del programa en las prácticas pedagógicas y en el aprendizaje de los alumnos. ; [EN] The Education Technology Plan, which includes the program, e.escolinha, though subject to a social and political judgment, is the boldest educational program in what respects the technological modernization in Portugal. Implementation of the plan focuses on three different but complementary dimensions: I) technology-based structural measures to be implemented in all schools, II) network design development and online distribution of educational content and services, III) application educational programs to consolidate knowledge in Information Technology and Communication of students and teachers. The program greatness is found in the political intention of putting Portugal in the first five European countries with the highest and best technological infrastructure of their school network. To achieve this bold goal, the plan covers three operational objectives announced for the year 2010: (I) the Internet connection speed (48 Mbps), (II) two students per computer with Internet access, (III) 90% of certified teachers in ICT. It occurs as a primary objective the need to "make effective use of laptops in the learning environment, particularly in the classroom." It is in this context of acceptance by civil society to materialize, in parallel with the popularity gained among alunos Magalhães computer it is important to reflect and test the prospects for change that schools today are required. The study focuses, but in a wide range of agents, especially in the reflection that this change will result in teachers as agents of political operative and educational practices, but also feel the impact of the program in teaching practices and learning of students.
The division found between the international and domestic structures in the definition of the states' international conduct has marked a significant part of the debate on international relations theory. Realism has been the target of criticism on the part of other approaches that tend to associate Realism with perspectives that are based essentially on the international sphere, in detriment of the domestic structure. New Realist perspectives, ranging from Statism to Structural Realism and Neoclassical Realism strive to oppose it, by attempting to extend to the domestic sphere the normative and empirical principles of the Classical Realism and the Neorealism. Adapted from the source document.
Raymond Aron's international and strategic thought is inextricably linked to his own critical philosophy of history, as he conceived it in the 1930s, after spending a period of time in Germany. Influenced by pacifist philosopher Alain, Aron is converted to realism, which is put to the test by the 20th century wars. It is not advisable, however, to associate Aron tout court to the strict Anglo-american realism of Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz. Against the construction of a general theory of International Relations based on model-building, he is the harbinger of a historical sociology of Weberian inspiration, seeking to render the international scene intelligible in its peculiar complexity. Adapted from the source document.
O presente estudo busca compreender os rumos da implementação da política inclusiva por meio da confrontação do discurso oficial com as práticas sociais. A história da educação especial no Brasil está marcada pela exclusão social e educacional, entende-se que garantir o direito à educação das pessoas com deficiência é um processo complexo e que exige ações políticas de diferentes dimensões. A reflexão sobre as diretrizes, materiais e documentos do Programa Educação inclusiva: direito à diversidade a partir dos depoimentos de gestores de um município-polo permitiu levantar algumas questões relacionadas ao modo como a política inclusiva está sendo implantada. A análise revela que há tensões e conflitos relacionados às possibilidades de efetivação das ações de formação e multiplicação; à própria discussão conceitual sobre a inclusão; ao lócus de atendimento ao aluno com deficiência; ao financiamento e às relações entre o público e privado; assim como, quanto às responsabilidades dos diferentes atores envolvidos no processo. Os resultados apontam que essas tensões podem ser entendidas a partir das múltiplas relações que se estabelecem entre um ensino que tende para a homogeneização e os princípios inclusivos, que supõem o respeito aos direitos, a valorização da diversidade e o atendimento de necessidades individuais. ; Through the comparison between the official discourse and the social practices, the present study seeks to understand the trajectory of implementation of the policy of inclusion. The history of special education in Brazil is marked by social and educational exclusion, and therefore guaranteeing the right to education of handicapped people is a complex process requiring political actions in various spheres. The reflection about the guidelines, materials and documents of the Inclusive Education Program: the right to diversity, based on the testimonies of administrators from a hub municipality, made it possible to raise questions related to the way in which the policy of inclusion in being implemented. The analysis reveals tensions and conflicts associated to the possibilities of bringing to practice actions of formation and multiplication; to the conceptual discussion about inclusion; to the locus of service to handicapped students; to the financing aspect and to the relations between the public and the private sectors; and also as to the responsibilities of the different agents involved in the process. The results point to the fact that these tensions can be understood from the multiple relationships established between a teaching system that tends to homogenization and the principles of inclusion, which presupposes the respect to rights, the appreciation of diversity, and the fulfillment of individual needs.
O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento por meio do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século XVIII para combater o Estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao Estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as metaideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo "científico" e matemático. ; State and market are complementary institutions. The state is the major institution coordinating modern societies; it is the constitutional system and the organizations guaranteeing it; it is the main instrument through which democratic societies have been changing capitalism so as to achieve their own agreed political objectives. Markets are institutions based on competition which the state regulates so that they contribute to the coordination of the economy. While liberalism emerged in the 18th century to fight an autocratic state, since the 1980s neoliberalism (a major distortion of economic liberalism) became dominant and mounted a political assault to the state in the name of the market, but eventually also attacked the market. Neoclassical macroeconomics and public choice theory were the meta-ideologies that gave to this assault a "scientific" and mathematical allure.
INTRODUÇÃO Esta dissertação tem por objecto de estudo os efeitos dos programas de política económica e social de estabilização e de ajustamento estrutural2 no bemestar das famílias urbanas da capital de um país africano, a cidade de Bissau, na República da Guiné-Bissau, no período de 1986 a 2001. O contexto mais geral em que a investigação se insere, respeita à evolução política, económica e social do país após a independência, em 1974. A antiga Guiné Portuguesa procurou organizar a sua economia a partir de uma governação centralizada, com intervenção significativa de instituições estatais da administração central3, nacionalização de empresas existentes ou criação de outras com o mesmo estatuto. A dinamização do processo de desenvolvimento coube ao Partido para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), que dirigira a luta de libertação contra o colonialismo e se tornou o partido único e o agente principal de toda a vida colectiva, social e económica do país. Os instrumentos privilegiados foram os Planos de Desenvolvimento, apoiados em investimentos de grande dimensão e na ajuda internacional de origem em países de diferentes ideologias políticas. O enquadramento político expressou-se na organização do partido único, com uma governação que se impunha ao Governo e à Assembleia Nacional Popular, com mobilização política da população para a produção, incentivo a formas cooperativas de organização empresarial no campo e na cidade, repressão à oposição e à actividade de comerciantes e empresários privados. Os resultados negativos quanto ao objectivo traçado pelo partido e governo, de conseguir um melhor nível de bem-estar para a população, estão entre as origens de um golpe de Estado ( 14 de Novembro de 1980) liderado por uma parte dos militantes do PAIGC, sobretudo de origem guineense. O novo poder enveredou por um caminho de liberalização gradual da economia, mas também não conseguiu, até 1986, cumprir os objectivos de desenvolvimento a que se propunha. ; This research tried to clarify the effects on the households welfare of the governance on economics and social politics, specially stabilization and structural adjustment programs. Th space is one African town in Guinea-Bissau, its capital, between 1986 and 2001. Two models of knowledge as been used: - The first based on theories built by authors mainly from universities without a strong practical concern. - The second based on the urgency found when situations require answers from internationals structures public or non profit. The methodology used begins with the asset that the well been in an African society must be analyzed giving a significant weight to its different components and that this cannot be accomplished with one single area of knowledge. Authors from economics, social psychology, sociology, anthropology and politics are fundamental to understand the importance of governance on the well been of households. We conclude that the stabilization and structural adjustment programs are the cause of a clear loss of independence in this African country. To establish the relationship between the households strategies and the governance we define a typology of politics on African countries and another to the different middle time households strategies. The main nationals politics actors as the government, the parliament, the president the Courts of Justice end the international as the IMF, WB, both has a share in the process of change the country to a dependent territory in temrs of the capacity of define and conduct an economics and social policy. The households has different success strategies in economics activities specially with agriculture, non specialized work and private sector; those who preferred the commerce has dubious results; those that preferred the public administration or the public sector has the less success. We verified that governance make a direct link between the households well being and the external conditions of definition of economics and social politics. The conclusions about the households capacity of controlling the effects on the appropriation of resources of those politics based only on the consumption expenses, show us that is not enough to consider only this variable to analyze the evolution of well being. The general conclusion is that even if Guinea-Bissau has a ensemble of social groups composed with about 32 racial groups with a very rich cultural and historical life, with a victorious fight for independence, with a large support from rural population to built a country based on resources enough to feed his population without military conflicts destroying people and structures, and an evolution from a only one party to a democratic political system, the country has much difficulty to give to his citizens the level of well being they want.
El post-estructuralismo esgrimió una de las principales críticas a la modernidad basándose en el concepto de de-construcción de Jacques Derridá, mediante el cuál cuestionó la racionalidad occidental binaria y etnocéntrica. A su vez, las teorías feministas trabajaron en la de-construcción de la categoría mujer. Sin embargo, consideramos que han sido las nuevas corrientes feministas las que, incorporando la operación de-constructiva, han renovado las líneas teóricas en relación con la especificidad de su objeto de estudio y con sus posicionamientos políticos. Palabras clave: feminismo; post-estructuralismo; de-construcción; subjetividad; género Feminismo filosófico e pensamento pós-estruturalista: teorias e reflexões a respeito das noções de sujeito e identidade feminina O pós-estruturalismo estabeleceu uma das principais críticas à modernidade apoiando-se no conceito de desconstrução de Jacques Derrida, mediante o qual questionou a racionalidade ocidental binária e etnocêntrica. Por sua vez, as teorias feministas trabalharam na desconstrução da categoria mulher. Entretanto, consideramos que foram as novas correntes feministas as que, incorporando a operação desconstrutiva, renovaram as linhas teóricas em relação à especificidade de seu objeto de estudo e aos seus posicionamentos políticos. Palavras-chave: feminismo; pós-estruturalismo; desconstrução; subjetividade; gênero Philosophical Feminism and Post-structuralist thought: theories and reflections on the notions of female subject and identity Post-structuralism wielded one of the main critiques of Modernity, based on Jacques Derrida's concept of deconstruction, which questions the binarism and ethnocentrism of Western rationality. Feminist theories also worked on the deconstruction of 'woman' as a category. Nevertheless, we argue that, by incorporating the deconstructive operation, new feminist trends have renewed theory in relation to the specificity of their object of study and political stances. Keywords: Feminism; Post-structuralism; Deconstruction; Subjectivity; Gender
Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar o processo de desinstitucionalização, quanto ao uso das práticas contábeis de correção monetária, pelas grandes empresas brasileiras. Os pressupostos teóricos utilizados foram baseados na teoria institucional, que representa uma abordagem sociológica interpretativa do comportamento humano, que reconhece fenômenos de racionalidade limitada e o caráter político da ação social. As análises empíricas foram baseadas na abordagem proposta por Oliver (1992). A estratégia de pesquisa compreendeu aplicação de questionários e entrevistas a uma população de 118 empresas brasileiras, de grande porte, constantes da Revista Exame 500 Maiores Empresas e teve como principais respondentes os contadores e gerentes de controladoria. Foram utilizadas as técnicas estatísticas de Análise Fatorial, ANOVA one way e Kruskal-Wallis. A partir da abordagem proposta por Oliver (1992), que contemplou 22 variáveis, que compõem 12 constructos e 6 hipóteses qualitativas, sobre as pressões motivadoras do processo de desinstitucionalização das práticas contábeis de correção monetária. Portanto, em relação aos constructos avaliados, cabe destaque para as pressões políticas (nível do ambiente), pressões funcionais em ambas as dimensões (organizacional e ambiente). No entanto, as pressões sociais não se demonstraram significativas. Conclui-se que o processo de desinstitucionalização é decorrente de uma combinação distinta de fatores institucionais e os resultados da pesquisa estão aderentes aos achados das pesquisas realizadas no Mercado Americano e no Reino Unido. ; This article aims to analyze the deinstitutionalization of the inflation-adjustment accounting practices used by large Brazilian companies. The theoretical assumptions used were based on institutional theory, which provides a sociological interpretation of human behavior that recognizes the phenomenon of limited rationality and the political character of social action. Analyses were based on the empirical approach that was proposed by Oliver (1992). The research strategy consisted of questionnaires and interviews conducted in a population of 118 large Brazilian companies from Exame Magazine's list of the 500 largest companies. The primary respondents were accountants and controllers. Factor analysis, one-way ANOVA and the Kruskal-Wallis test were conducted using the approach proposed by Oliver (1992), and the research included 22 variables comprising 12 constructs and 6 qualitative hypotheses regarding the pressures that motivate the deinstitutionalization of inflation-adjusted accounting practices. Therefore, with regard to the constructs assessed, emphasis was placed on identifying the political pressures (the environment) and the functional pressures in both the organizational and environmental dimensions. However, the social pressures did not prove to be significant. We conclude that the process of deinstitutionalization results from a distinct combination of institutional factors, and these results are consistent with the findings from research conducted in the US market and in the UK.
This article presents a reflection on the identity transformations in women as a consequence of their political participation in two opposing areas: the guerilla groups and the organizations involved in collective activities in search of peace and against the war in Colombia. Historical situations and the psychosocial factors which were behind their decision to join one political option or another are analyzed in a scenario in which many violent acts occur. The analysis is based on the social construction theory and the gender perspective to explain the make-up of the female identity of guerilla members and peace activists, and questions the relevance of stereotyped thinking which attempts to explain the social behaviours which distance themselves from the identities associated with traditional concepts in which gender-related traits are distorted. ; El artículo presenta una reflexión sobre las transformaciones identitarias de las mujeres como resultado de la participación política en dos espacios contrapuestos: las guerrillas y las organizaciones que despliegan acciones colectivas por la paz y en contra de la guerra en Colombia. Se analizan las situaciones históricas y los factores psicosociales que impulsaron la decisión de vincularse a una u otra opción política, en un escenario en el que discurren múltiples violencias. El análisis se apoya en la teoría de la construcción social y en la perspectiva de género, para explicar la configuración de la identidad femenina de guerrilleras y activistas por la paz y cuestiona la pertinencia del pensamiento estereotípico que pretende explicar los comportamientos sociales que se alejan de las identidades asociadas a las concepciones tradicionales, en las que los rasgos de género son distorsionados. ; O artigo apresenta uma reflexão sobre as transformações identitarias das mulheres como resultado da participação política em dois espaços opostos: as guerrilhas e as organizações que desdobram ações coletivas pela paz e contra da guerra em Colômbia. Se analisam as situações históricas e os fatores psicossociais que impulsionaram a decisão de vincular-se à uma ou outra opção política, em um marco no qual discorrem múltiplas violências. A análise se apóia na teoria da construção social e na perspectiva de gênero, para explicar a configuração da identidade feminina de guerrilheiras e ativistas pela paz e questiona a pertinência do pensamento estereotípico que pretende explicar os comportamentos sociais que se afastam das identidades associadas às concepções tradicionais, nas quais os rasgos de gênero são distorcidos.
