Suchergebnisse

The maxim that the people are the agent of the constituent power has, since the French revolution, been a universally accepted answer to the issue of the origin & the degree of validity of constitutional law, which, as the ultimate norm of a state's legal order, has no other higher positive law norm. But that maxim disregards political reality. Neither is it convincing from the point of view of the theory of state. The people are not the subject of activity but only of reference. The maxim on the constituent power of the people is a democratic myth. As such it is polyvalent: the reinforcement of revolution or its prohibition determine whether the existing constitutional regime is to be overthrown or legitimized. The doctrine of the constituent power of the people is not cognitively rewarding as a theory of legitimation, either, since the effectiveness of a constitution does not depend on its provenance but on the reception it gets here & now from its addressees: state agencies & citizens. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates which one of two competing theories -- balance of power theory or power preponderance theory -- better explains war in the territory of former Yugoslavia. The main finding is that military preponderance in favor of Serbia fostered aggression of this state on Slovenia, Croatia, & Bosnia & Herzegovina. Furthermore, relative balance of power, which was established in 1995, was the main reason for the termination of hostilities & for the Dayton peace agreement. Consequently, this article concludes that case study of the war in the territory of former Yugoslavia is an additional argument in favor of classical balance of power theory & that power preponderance theory can neither explain the outbreak nor the ending of this war. This article also challenges previous interpretations of war in the former Yugoslavia, which claimed that this war was a civil war based on ethnic hatred. In contrast, this article argues that conflict on the territory of former Yugoslavia was primarily an interstate war based on rational calculations of the main actors. 50 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the development of political theory in Slovenia since 1990. It surveys the development of the discipline & traces its roots back to the beginning of political theory studies in 1961. Authors, ideas, books & approaches are discussed. The paper challenges the assumption that studies of political theory share a similar destiny in Central & Eastern Europe by showing that there have been no breaks or rifts in political theory in Slovenia, but that one can rather speak of evolution, where the next period is based on the previous. The paper critically evaluates the public role of political theorists, their (non)positions. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a short account of his broadly based studies on the theory of public choice & the financing of the public sector in the industrialized countries of the world. In this context, he first defines the theory of choice & its relation to the financing of the public sector & then reviews the evolution of the theory of public choice in the history of human development, with special focus on the most recent trends. He then explores the fundamental principles of public choice in the functioning of the contemporary state & its consequences for the economic & social development of the developed countries. In conclusion, the author lists the essential requirements regarding the possibility of the implementation of the theory of public choice in Croatian theory & practice relating to collective decisions regarding the financing of public needs. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Haberle clarifies his conception of constitution as culture & discusses his interpretation of the relationship between state & society, both based on the fundamental principles spelled out in this document. Other, related issues addressed here are the following: (1) the concept of political culture; (2) constitution as the expression of a nation's mentality & cultural heritage; (3) the constitution-public relationship; (4) constitutional theory as a theory of open society; (5) culture as a sine qua non element of the creation & functioning of the state; (6) the fallacy of Carl Schmitt's friend-foe theory; (7) the tradition of constitutional theory in Germany; (8) the significance of the year 1989 in the history of Europe; (9) the preparation of a draft of the Constitution of the European Union; (10) optimistic & pessimistic views of humans, ie, John Locke vs Thomas Hobbes; & (11) the constitution & constitutional theory & law in Croatia. Z. Dubiel

The study is a contribution to the discussion on the definition of war in the modern era & focuses on contemporary debates. By exploring the essence of politics & nation, in line with Carl Schmitt's theory of politics & by taking into consideration the forms of national liberation wars, the author points to the inadequacy of von Clausewitz's instrumental/political definition of war & lists most critical remarks to this theory. The author describes other theories, such as the pure war theory (war separated from politics) & the existential war theory (a political entity is being shaped & coming into being). Then he systematically lays out the modern concept of the nation & the corresponding definition of war. In defining wars, the author relies on the modern philosophy of the subject, particularly by G. W. F. Hegel, & on Scheler's theory of nation & war. Finally, the study shows that international relations are still to a large extent determined by the nationally based politics, & that contemporary wars include many features of international & national-liberation wars. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

THEORY FORMATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE HAS HEADED TOWARD A "NEW POLITICAL ECONOMY" WITHIN WHICH 4 CLUSTERS ARE DISTINGUISHED: (1) 'SPATIAL MODELS OF PARTY COMPETITION', (2) THEORIES OF COLLECTIVE ACTION, (3) THEORIES OF ALLOCATION OF VALUES, UNDER SPECIFIC ASSUMPTIONS OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER, IE COALITION THEORIES, BARGAINING THEORIES & REINTERPRETATIONS OF DUOPOLY THEORIES, & (4) THEORIES OF ADMINISTRATIVE BEHAVIOR. THE 4 CLUSTERS ARE THE RESULT OF THE INTEGRATION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE & ECONOMICS. THE SIMILARITY IN THEORETICAL STRUCTURE OF THE 4 CATEGORIES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE WITH THE CORRESPONDING THEORIES IN MICROECONOMICS, WELFARE ECONOMICS, & PUBLIC ECONOMICS CONSISTS OF THESE ELEMENTS: (A) THE PREPONDERANCE OF A DEDUCTIVE (VS INDUCTIVE) STRATEGY OF THEORY BUILDING, (B) THE 2 PREMISES OF INDIVIDUALISM & GOAL-ORIENTED BEHAVIOR, (C) PREOCCUPATION WITH VARIOUS CORRESPONDING AMENDMENTS ON ASSUMPTIONS IN THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF PERFECT COMPETITION, & (D) THE THEORY OF ADMINISTRATIVE BEHAVIOR AS BASED ON THE AMENDMENT OF THE ASSUMPTION OF PERFECT & COSTLESS INFORMATION & THE HOLISTIC ('UNITARY ACTOR') OF DECISION-MAKING IN THE THEORY OF THE FIRM. MODIFIED HA.

The convergent cycles of the prevalence of interventionist or laissez-faire concepts have alternated in economics, politics, & political & economic theory. Hayek's theory of Western rationality & liberal & democratic order is based on two communicational arguments: the price-earnings ratio enables maximum mobilization of resources & the optimal use of information. The author's opinion is that the current cycle will bring about the integration of the liberal communicational argument with the new concepts of regulation, & not the universalization of the liberal order. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

An attempt to show how digraph-theory may be utilized in developing a soc network-theory, esp in the field of local power & influence. Some of the ways are indicated in which digraph-theory, which serves as a descriptive-explicative mathematical model, can be used to analyze componenets of theory of local power. Power is conceptualized as a system of SR. This presupposes in every local community a certain network of exchange ties. A mathematical description is sought of some of the properties of such a power-network. A mathematical model is used in the sense of a collection of definitions. The theory of graphs as a mathematical model in the study of local power configurations is, at least in the beginning, a descriptive theory of power structures. In a descriptive model based on the theory of graphs the power configuration (made of local influentials & the set of relationships among them) is conceptualized as a graph (a directed, possibly valued, multi-graph). When this is done, theorems about the graph, which is assumed to be isomorphic to the power configuration, can be translated into corresponding statements about the power structure. In this context the validation of such statements is a purely logical validation, a consequence of the assumed isomorphy between the graph & the power configuration. This descriptive approach is presented here. 27 Figures. Modified HA.

The author elaborates on two central assumptions. The first (based on comparative survey results from ten postcommunist countries) is that there is a marked positive correlation between the residue of "communist legacy" in people's & the electoral success of leftist parties. Since that legacy in Croatia (& the Czech Republic) has been weakest, this is going to be an aggravating circumstance for SDP in their struggle for power. The second assumption is that the politics of leftist parties that could come to power is to shuttle between two extremes: the restoration of real-socialism in a modified form & the social-democratic model of Sweden or at least Germany. According to the author, the key agents of such politics are "neotraditionalism" & "political capitalism", both from the former system. Adapted from the source document.

The right-wing PVV and the left-wing SP are seen as populist parties who are fierce ideological adversaries in the Dutch political spectrum. We study the similarities and differences in municipal contexts that explain their electoral success. Results of the 2010 national elections at the municipality level are analyzed for nearly all (N=403) Dutch municipalities. Hypotheses are formulated based on integrated group threat theory and relative deprivation theory. Results indicate similarities but also clear differences in the contexts in which SP and PVV thrive. PVV is more successful in municipalities with more immigrants and a higher average perception of unsafety, SP thrives more under local socioeconomic deprivation.

The state of Dutch political thought in the seventeenth century is reviewed. Three main approaches are discussed: (1) The critical approach is represented by P. de la Court, who, influenced by Hobbes, defended a more democratic type of government. (2) The historical-philological movement, represented by J. Lipsius, Boxhornius, & Burgersdijk, was based on Aristotelian metaphysical concepts to develop a more systematic base for historical research. This movement influenced the development of the typical research style of the political sciences in Germany. (3) B. de Spinoza's passion-reason theory led to an analytical political science, exemplifying the typical method of integrating theory & empirical (historical) information. Modified HA.