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The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The aim of the article is to review the contribution of WHO coordinated Kaunas–Rotterdam Intervention Study (KRIS) to the development of epidemiological research in cardiovascular and other noncommunicable diseases at Kaunas University of Medicine and in Lithuania at large. KRIS impact on broadening international collaboration with and through WHO at Kaunas University of Medicine and Lithuania at large is presented. KRIS contribution to the development of scientific basis for cardiovascular risk assessment as well as backing-up the concept of integrated prevention of noncommunicable diseases is highlighted. Its role as a bridging agent between research, education and public health development in Lithuania as well as internationally is being discussed. The road that KRIS experience based team underwent from executors of classical epidemiological studies to generation of new concepts in noncommunicable disease prevention as well as contribution to national health policy formulation is presented.

The aim of the article is to review the contribution of WHO coordinated Kaunas–Rotterdam Intervention Study (KRIS) to the development of epidemiological research in cardiovascular and other noncommunicable diseases at Kaunas University of Medicine and in Lithuania at large. KRIS impact on broadening international collaboration with and through WHO at Kaunas University of Medicine and Lithuania at large is presented. KRIS contribution to the development of scientific basis for cardiovascular risk assessment as well as backing-up the concept of integrated prevention of noncommunicable diseases is highlighted. Its role as a bridging agent between research, education and public health development in Lithuania as well as internationally is being discussed. The road that KRIS experience based team underwent from executors of classical epidemiological studies to generation of new concepts in noncommunicable disease prevention as well as contribution to national health policy formulation is presented.

The article analyzes the motivation for military service of the soldiers the Lithuanian Armed Forces based on their opinion. It presents the theoretical approach to motivation for military service, emphasizes the significance of values in the process of motivation, identifies the expectations, based on V. H. Vroom's expectancy theory, which determine the motivation of soldiers under continuous mandatory service. According to the analysis of the completed research, it is stated that the soldiers are only partly satisfied with the current motivation system. In addition, the results of the research confirm the hypothesis that the motivation for military service differs between volunteer soldiers and conscript soldiers.

The article analyzes the motivation for military service of the soldiers the Lithuanian Armed Forces based on their opinion. It presents the theoretical approach to motivation for military service, emphasizes the significance of values in the process of motivation, identifies the expectations, based on V. H. Vroom's expectancy theory, which determine the motivation of soldiers under continuous mandatory service. According to the analysis of the completed research, it is stated that the soldiers are only partly satisfied with the current motivation system. In addition, the results of the research confirm the hypothesis that the motivation for military service differs between volunteer soldiers and conscript soldiers.

The article analyzes the motivation for military service of the soldiers the Lithuanian Armed Forces based on their opinion. It presents the theoretical approach to motivation for military service, emphasizes the significance of values in the process of motivation, identifies the expectations, based on V. H. Vroom's expectancy theory, which determine the motivation of soldiers under continuous mandatory service. According to the analysis of the completed research, it is stated that the soldiers are only partly satisfied with the current motivation system. In addition, the results of the research confirm the hypothesis that the motivation for military service differs between volunteer soldiers and conscript soldiers.

The article analyzes the motivation for military service of the soldiers the Lithuanian Armed Forces based on their opinion. It presents the theoretical approach to motivation for military service, emphasizes the significance of values in the process of motivation, identifies the expectations, based on V. H. Vroom's expectancy theory, which determine the motivation of soldiers under continuous mandatory service. According to the analysis of the completed research, it is stated that the soldiers are only partly satisfied with the current motivation system. In addition, the results of the research confirm the hypothesis that the motivation for military service differs between volunteer soldiers and conscript soldiers.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.