Suchergebnisse

In the United Nations as in other political organizations elective offices are eagerly sought as badges of prestige and levers of influence. Some of the most hotly contested political battles in the United Nations have centred around elections to the prestigious and influential nonpermanent seats on the Security Council. Contests have sometimes run to many ballots before any country emerged with the required two-thirds majority, and deadlock has more than once forced a compromise in which the two-year term was divided between two contenders. Indicative of the feeling sometimes aroused was Indonesia's withdrawal from the United Nations in 1965 which, although prompted by other motives as well, was timed to serve as a protest against the seating of Malaysia on the Security Council. Contests for other positions are generally less spirited, but there are invariably more office seekers than offices.

Much has been written about individual voting behaviour in Britain and the United States but relatively little work has been done with aggregate data in the study of total electoral situations. A partial correlation and multiple regression analysis of local elections in a large English city shows that class, housing tenure, age, and coloured immigrants are closely related to voting patterns of total electorates, but geographical mobility and density of hoeing occupation are not. The political variables of marginality, size of majority, and number of candidates are not noticeably related to either turnout or party voting, although the presence of a Liberal candidate does increase turnout in some circumstances. Housing tenure has a particularly strong and complex relationship with voting patterns which suggests that the concept of housing class may be useful in the analysis of voting as well as more general social patterns. There is no persistent pattern of support for the Liberals who gain or lose votes according to the popularity of the two main parties.

The National Front is England's fourth largest party in terms of electoral support. The number of candidates it has fielded at local and national elections has increased at each successive election since it was founded in 1968. It has not, however, been extensively studied by academic researchers. Walker has provided a historical account of the development of the National Front. Scott has examined the activities and attitudes of one local branch. Nugent and King have compared it with earlier right-wing political organizations, particularly the British Union of Fascists. But rather less is known about the National Front's electoral support.

In their study of the 'affluent worker' in Luton,1 Goldthorpe and his colleagues reached a number of important conclusions about the political behaviour of the 'traditional' and 'new' working class in post-war Britain. They rejected the belief, commonly held by the late 1950s, that a growing proportion of manual workers was beginning to support the Conservative Party as a result of attaining a middle class level of income and material possessions (the 'embourgeoisement' theory). In their sample, which was elaborately designed to ensure the most favourable conditions for confirmation of the embourgeoisement theory, they found (i) that the level of stable Labour support was higher than the national average for manual workers; (ii) that there was no evidence of any gradual, long-term shift of support towards the Conservatives or away from Labour; and (iii) that the small minority of Conservatives was distinguished not by a higher than average standard of living, but by a relatively large number of white collar workers among their kin. The notion that there was a necessary connection, among manual workers, between growing material prosperity and increased support for the Conservative Party was therefore decisively rejected.

ECOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF SOUTH KOREAN ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR ARE EXPLORED. THE LAST 3 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS ARE DEALT WITH, EMPHASIZING THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF APR 27, 1971. 2 SETS OF AGGREGATE DATA WERE COLLECTED FOR THE 206 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION DISTRICTS OF 1971 & THE 196 DISTRICTS OF 1963 & 1967. VOTING STATISTICS OF THE LAST 3 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS & SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC STATISTICS DERIVED FROM KOREAN CENSUS DATA WERE COLLECTED. DUMMY REGRESSION & THE ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE & COVARIANCE ARE USED TO ANALYZE THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE VOTING DISTRICTS & THE SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ELECTION DISTRICTS. 3 TRENDS ARE NOTED FROM THE FINDINGS. REGIONAL IDENTIFICATION DOES NOT SEEM TO HAVE CREATED PARTY ALLEGIANCE; HOWEVER, THERE HAS BEEN VOTER ALIGNMENT ALONG RU-UR LINES AS A RESULT OF GOVERNMENT-OPPOSITION DIFFERENCES. ELECTION CONTROL BY USING BALLOT EXCHANGE, GHOST VOTES, & NULLIFICATION OF OPPOSITION VOTES IS DIMINISHING. THE PROPORTION OF MOBILIZED VOTERS IS & WILL CONTINUE TO DIMINISH IN THE FUTURE. AS URBANIZATION BECOMES MORE PREVALENT & RU & UR POPULATIONS ATTAIN A HIGHER DEGREE OF EDUCATION, THE PROSPECTS FOR AN EVENTUAL TRANSFER OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER BY THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM ARE FAIRLY GOOD. THE ROLES & THE ATTITUDES OF THE OPPOSITION & THE GOVERNMENT PARTY WILL INFLUENCE THIS TRANSFER OF POWER AS WELL. 10 TABLES, 4 FIGURES. B. WEISBROD.

Frequent elections and a long tradition of census taking in India should combine to provide excellent scope for aggregate data analysis, but so far they have not, largely because the electoral constituencies and the census tracts do not match. A number of ways have been devised to surmount the problem, none of them very satisfactory. This paper offers a new solution in the form of isoplethic mapping, a method that avoids the shortcomings of other approaches and permits use of demographic and voting data at the level of the state legislative assembly constituency.Substantively the paper traces patterns of voting for Muslim candidates to the Bihar Legislative Assembly and the relationship between Muslim population distribution and vote polled by different political parties over six elections. Instead of becoming more integrated over time within the general body politic, it appears that the Muslim minority group has become more politically cohesive and better able to elect Muslims to office where their numbers are strong. At the same time, Muslims have become less able to win elections where they are fewer in numbers. This tendency has not reached a state of political polarization between the Hindu and Muslim communities, however.